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China–Pakistan Economic Corridor : News & Discussions

Discussion in 'South Asia & SAARC' started by Agent_47, Nov 16, 2016.

  1. Nilgiri

    Nilgiri Lieutenant GEO STRATEGIC ANALYST

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    Problem with the Chinese is they don't fully appreciate that they have to make all these projects work to make their money back. If they over-leverage and their client states default on loans....and make it a political issue....not only the returns dont comes back (even principals can be affected if there is forced nationalisation etc).....but China becomes the enemy overnight politically....and then does China escalate or let bluff be called?

    Way I see it most of China's human economic capital (investment strategists, handlers and bankers) are going to be locked up within China to deal with their overcapacities and new (labour redundancy) technology introduction....so they will have few of these people to deal on a more micro level with ensuring the highest level of quality success in the other countries projects that China finances. At most it buys short term political capital with those countries and also some work for Chinese labour (as the local market gets saturated)....but long term there is a lot in the air....and could be quite bad for all involved (incl China).
     
  2. mirage

    mirage FULL MEMBER

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    found some interesting videos on youtube , could post here ?
     
    Last edited: May 23, 2017
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  3. zebra7

    zebra7 Captain FULL MEMBER

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    Sure.
     
  4. lca-fan

    lca-fan Major SENIOR MEMBER

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    China-Pakistan Economic Corridor may fuel Indo-Pak tension: UN report
    The report was prepared at China’s request and covers the six economic corridors spanning Asia, Europe, and Africa under the umbrella of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
    By: ANI | Bangkok | Published: May 24, 2017 12:10 PM
    170
    SHARES
    [​IMG]
    [​IMG]
    A recent United Nations report has said that the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) might create geopolitical tensions with India and ignite political instability as the India-Pakistan dispute over Kashmir is a matter of concern. (Reuters)

    A recent United Nations report has said that the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) might create geopolitical tensions with India and ignite political instability as the India-Pakistan dispute over Kashmir is a matter of concern. The report titled ‘The Belt and Road Initiative and the Role of Escap’ and released by the UN’s Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (Escap) also feared that Afghanistan’s political instability could limit the potential benefits of transit corridors to population centers near Kabul or Kandahar.

    The report was prepared at China’s request and covers the six economic corridors spanning Asia, Europe, and Africa under the umbrella of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The report also states that CPEC could serve as the “driver for trade and economic integration” between China, Pakistan, Iran, India, Afghanistan and the Central Asian states.

    Also watch:


    CPEC holds the promise of closer trade, investment and energy cooperation between the two countries, as it creates alternative maritime trade routes for China and its trading partners, it said.

    Recently, India had also refused invitation to attend China’s ambitious One Belt One Road Summit held this month as opposed to the inclusion of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) under the OBOR initiative as a part of the project passes through disputed Kashmir region.


    http://www.financialexpress.com/wor...r-may-fuel-indo-pak-tension-un-report/683164/
     
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  5. lca-fan

    lca-fan Major SENIOR MEMBER

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    Moody's downgrades China's credit ratings
    [​IMG]Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES
    China's credit rating has been cut over fears that growth in the world's second-biggest economy will slow in the coming years.

    Moody's, one of the world's big three ratings agencies, cut China by one notch from A1 to Aa3.

    It was the first time the agency has downgraded the country since 1989.

    China's finance ministry said Moody's was exaggerating the mainland's economic difficulties and underestimating reform efforts.

    The downgrade could raise the cost of borrowing for the Chinese government.

    The ratings agency also changed its outlook for China to stable from negative.

    Moody's said that the downgrade reflected expectations that China's financial strength would "erode somewhat over the coming years, with the economy-wide debt continuing to rise as potential growth slows".

    The Chinese economy expanded by 6.7% in 2016 compared with 6.9% the previous year, the slowest growth since 1990.

    Analysis
    [​IMG]Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES
    By Karishma Vaswani, Asia business correspondent
    This is the first time that Moody's has cut its investors ratings on Chinese debt in more than a quarter of a century, so it is pretty significant.

    However, it is not the first time that international institutions have sounded alarm bells about China's rising debt levels. They have been going off for the past few years.

    What this ratings downgrade on China's debt boils down to is whether you believe the Chinese government has the ability to write off this debt. Does Beijing somehow have an ability to extend infinite credit lines, or at least reduce debt levels? And can it do so while trying to maintain strong economic growth figures?

    Moody's has obviously come down on the side of the naysayers.

    In its statement it points to slowing Chinese growth and rising debt levels to keep the economy expanding. It also says that reforms may take a backseat to growth priorities.

    Remember: this is a critical time for President Xi Jinping, who faces a key political congress towards the end of the year. A strong economy gives him credibility and legitimacy - and China observers tell me that the perception of stable growth is crucial for him at this time.

    This is why negative assessments from international financial institutions such as Moody's on Chinese debt are unlikely to go down well in Beijing.

    China's debt stands at something like 260% to GDP. Higher debt levels usually mean a higher level of risk.

    But it is worth noting that most of this debt is held by Chinese state-owned enterprises or "quasi-state" like entities - not international investors - so it is less likely to have a spillover effect into other economies.

    All the same, as the world's second-largest economy, what happens in China matters to the rest of the world.

    China's impact on global economy

    China is the world's second-biggest importer of both goods and services.

    It also plays an important role as a buyer of oil and other commodities, and its slowdown has been a factor in the decline in the prices of such goods.

    Beijing's aim to rebalance the economy towards domestic consumption has led to major challenges for manufacturers, and there have been layoffs - especially in heavily staffed state-run sectors such as the steel industry.

    The downgrade comes as Beijing tries to clean up its lending practices, which have been viewed as a threat to financial stability.
    http://www.bbc.com/news/business-40024503

    Surprise surprise.....

    Moody's ka bhi mood kharab ho Gaya.

    Did uncle Sam pulled some strings of puppets Moody's?

    US India Japan and EU will tame Lizard.

    Obor and CPEC will go down the drain.
     
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  6. lca-fan

    lca-fan Major SENIOR MEMBER

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  7. lca-fan

    lca-fan Major SENIOR MEMBER

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    China-promoted OBOR is a debt instrument only, claim European experts
    By: ANI | Brussels (belgium) | Updated: June 12, 2017 4:42 PM

    [​IMG]China-promoted OBOR initiative is nothing else but a debt instrument that can and will drive several nations, including Pakistan towards bankruptcy, say experts. (Reuters)

    European economists and experts have concluded that the China-promoted One Belt and Road (OBOR) initiative is nothing else but a debt instrument that can and will drive several nations, including Pakistan towards bankruptcy. China, according to these experts, is charging interest rates as high as 16 percent and above for funding made available for OBOR projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and cautioned that these loans, which are cumulative, cannot be repaid easily. They are certain that countries like Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal could be pushed into an endless debt trap. Contrary to the claims made by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif that the CPEC could emerge as a game changer for the Pakistan economy, there is a worried and concerned perception gaining ground that the project is all and only about boosting Beijing’s position through its Renminbi or Yuan currency. One expert has said that China is competing globally to make the Yuan an alternate currency to the Dollar, and its One Belt One Road (OBOR), in which CPEC is a project, is to play a major role in this. It is a well known fact that Islamabad has border-related differences with India, Afghanistan and Iran, but this has not stopped China from using the influence that it enjoys with Pakistan to raise its investment-related stakes in the country. China has realised that Pakistan is completely dependent on it from a defence point of view, and will now use the proposed CPEC projects to establish itself as an economic behemoth as well in the region, which could eventually push Pakistan into debt. China, one expert, has said, will use the plea that it will sell its goods to Pakistan at higher price due to the risks involved in its proposed investments.

    “Pakistan has no opportunity for bidding, it takes whatever China provides and in such a scenario transparency does not exists,” he said. It is also being felt by a majority of these experts that financial transactions linked to the CPEC lack transparency and will not provide the promised job opportunities to the youth, as things produced in industries set up by China would be exported to Pakistan, and thus generate profit for Beijing, not Islamabad. According to one economic estimate, Rs. 60 billion worth of deals happening with Pakistan are tied with the Yuan, and therefore, there is the possibility that trading could happen in Yuan instead of the dollar.

    Also Watch:

    A recent UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific Study (UNESCAP) has sensitised countries in South and Central Asia of the financial risks they could face through China’s OBOR. The UNESCAP report has cautioned that the size of the economy of a recipient country is small compared to the very high risk it faces should it accept or allow Chinese investment to take root. The final end result will be an unsurmountable debt trap for the country involved. According to the UNESCAP report, the USD 46 billion dollar CPEC represents a fifth of Pakistan’s Gross Domestic Product or GDP if not more. Similarly, the report cites the USD 37 billion China-Kazakhstan cooperation agreement signed in late 2014 and early 2015, as another example of Beijing’s debilitating investment impact on smaller economies in the Central Asian region.

    The agreement between Bangladesh and China, according to the UNESCAP report, is worth USD 24 billion as of October 2016, which is equivalent to almost 20 percent of Dhaka’s GDP. China has a huge presence in the economic sector in Sri Lanka, and it comes as no surprise that Colombo’s debt exceeds USD 60 billion at present. Of this amount, over ten percent is owed to the Chinese. Colombo has reportedly approached Beijing with a proposal to convert existing debt into equity, thus creating the possibility of China owning several key projects coming up in Sri Lanka in the short as well the long term. According to the UNESCAP study, China has estimated that it will most likely invest about USD four trillion in OBOR-related infrastructure projects. The estimated infrastructure development needs in Asia will cost in the region between USD 1.6 to USD 1.7 trillion annually on average till 2030, according to UNESCAP study. An ambitious China is seeking to turn its currency into a global one, and does not seem to really care about the equally debilitating social or environmental impact its unrestricted money flows into other countries might have.
    http://www.financialexpress.com/eco...nstrument-only-claim-european-experts/714066/
     
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  8. lca-fan

    lca-fan Major SENIOR MEMBER

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    China's One Belt, One Road plan `will drive Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal towards bankruptcy`
    China is charging interest rates as high as 16 percent and above for funding made available for OBOR projects like the CPEC.

    By Zee Media Bureau | Last Updated: Monday, June 12, 2017 - 14:55
    1
    Comment

    [​IMG]

    Brussels: Almost a month after China hosted the Belt and Road forum in Beijing, European economists and experts have concluded that Beijing's One Belt, One Road (OBOR) project is nothing but a debt instrument.

    News agency ANI on Monday cited the experts as further claiming that the OBOR initiative will push several nations, including Pakistan, towards bankruptcy.


    India has registered its concerns about the project, which espouses the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) that passes through Azad Kashmir. CPEC is the key artery of China's Belt and Road project that aims to connect Asia, Europe and Africa through a network of roads, railway lines, and ports.

    As per the experts, China is charging interest rates as high as 16 percent and above for funding made available for OBOR projects like the CPEC, and warned that these loans, which are cumulative, cannot be repaid easily.

    They are certain that countries like Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal could be pushed into an endless debt trap.

    Contrary to the claims made by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif that the CPEC could emerge as a game changer for the Pakistan economy, there is a worried and concerned perception gaining ground that the project is all and only about boosting Beijing's position through its Renminbi or Yuan currency.

    One expert has said that China is competing globally to make the Yuan an alternate currency to the Dollar, and its One Belt, One Road initiative is to play a major role in this.

    It is a well-known fact that Islamabad has border-related differences with India, Afghanistan and Iran, but this has not stopped China from using the influence that it enjoys with Pakistan to raise its investment-related stakes in the country.

    China has realised that Pakistan is completely dependent on it from a defence point of view, and will now use the proposed CPEC projects to establish itself as an economic behemoth as well in the region, which could eventually push Pakistan into debt.

    China, one expert, has said, will use the plea that it will sell its goods to Pakistan at higher price due to the risks involved in its proposed investments.

    "Pakistan has no opportunity for bidding, it takes whatever China provides and in such a scenario transparency does not exists," he said.

    [​IMG]
    MUST READ
    CPEC master plan revealed, Pakistan will soon become China's `colony` by 2030 – Here are the complete details
    It is also being felt by a majority of these experts that financial transactions linked to the CPEC lack transparency and will not provide the promised job opportunities to the youth, as things produced in industries set up by China would be exported to Pakistan, and thus generate profit for Beijing, not Islamabad.

    According to one economic estimate, Rs 60 billion worth of deals happening with Pakistan are tied with the Yuan, and therefore, there is the possibility that trading could happen in Yuan instead of the dollar.

    China-Pakistan Economic Corridor may ignite more Indo-Pak tensions: UN report

    A recent UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific Study (UNESCAP) has sensitised countries in South and Central Asia of the financial risks they could face through China's OBOR.

    The UNESCAP report has cautioned that the size of the economy of a recipient country is small compared to the very high risk it faces should it accept or allow Chinese investment to take root. The final end result will be an unsurmountable debt trap for the country involved.

    According to the UNESCAP report, USD 46 billion dollar CPEC represents a fifth of Pakistan's Gross Domestic Product or GDP if not more.

    Similarly, the report cites the USD 37 billion China-Kazakhstan cooperation agreement signed in late 2014 and early 2015, as another example of Beijing's debilitating investment impact on smaller economies in the Central Asian region.

    The agreement between Bangladesh and China, according to the UNESCAP report, is worth USD 24 billion as of October 2016, which is equivalent to almost 20 percent of Dhaka's GDP.

    China has a huge presence in the economic sector in Sri Lanka, and it comes as no surprise that Colombo's debt exceeds USD 60 billion at present.

    Of this amount, over ten percent is owed to the Chinese.

    Colombo has reportedly approached Beijing with a proposal to convert existing debt into equity, thus creating the possibility of China owning several key projects coming up in Sri Lanka in the short as well the long term.

    According to the UNESCAP study, China has estimated that it will most likely invest about USD four trillion in OBOR-related infrastructure projects.

    The estimated infrastructure development needs in Asia will cost in the region between USD 1.6 to USD 1.7 trillion annually on average till 2030, according to UNESCAP study.

    An ambitious China is seeking to turn its currency into a global one, and does not seem to really care about the equally debilitating social or environmental impact its unrestricted money flows into other countries might have.

    (With Agency inputs)

    http://zeenews.india.com/world/chin...uptcy-2014501.html?pfrom=article-rhs-trending
     
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  9. lca-fan

    lca-fan Major SENIOR MEMBER

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    Pakistan is feeling more and more like a Chinatown
    [​IMG]
    Learning to live together. (Reuters/Lucy Nicholson)

    SHARE

    WRITTEN BY
    Shazia Hasan

    OBSESSION

    China's Transition

    June 15, 2017 Quartz India



    If you pass him by in his electronic parts and components shop in the Electronics Market in Karachi’s Saddar, Mohammad Ali Arabi would look like any other normal young Pakistani businessman. There is nothing out of the ordinary about him until you hear him conversing on the phone with someone in Mandarin.

    “Seeing Ali Bhai speaking while making strange facial gestures by twisting his features to pronounce the words, at first we thought that maybe he was possessed or having some kind of a fit,” laughs another shop owner in the market. “But now we are used to his speaking the language of our Chinese friends. He is often on the phone with someone or the other in China,” the shopowner adds.

    “I learnt the language back in 2002 from a Chinese lady visiting Pakistan for her work,” says Arabi. “Her work required her staying in Karachi for extended periods and I helped her get by in things such as helping her find office space, where to buy groceries from, etc. In return, I requested her to teach me her language,” he says.

    “The Chinese don’t call their language ‘Chinese’ or ‘Mandarin’. They call it Putonghua,” Arabi explains. “They don’t even refer to their country as ‘China’. For them it is Zhonghua, meaning ‘central country’.

    “Learning the language has helped me a lot in knowing our friends better. It has also helped me in expanding my own electronics business. I often travel to mainland China where speaking the local language helps. Though everyone there is most kind on learning that I’m from Pakistan, when they find that I am fluent in their language, too, they sell me something they will sell you for 10 Yuan for just two or three Yuan,” says Arabi.

    The spoken word

    At the Axinstitute for Chinese Language, Asim Qadri says that his father had stressed the importance of learning Chinese 20 years ago. “There was no talk of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor [CPEC] back then,” he explains. “But I believe my father was a great visionary and a very wise man indeed to have realised all those years ago that the old friendship between China and Pakistan would pave the way for further interaction between the two peoples. He said it was going to be the language of the future in this region. He could speak German and Arabic himself and for us he predicted the importance of Chinese.”

    Having acted on his father’s advice, Qadri now teaches the language at his institute in Karachi’s Gulshan-i-Iqbal along with also offering courses at some of the biggest and best universities of the city.

    [​IMG]
    Asim Qadri teaching Mandarin at the Axinstitute for Chinese Language (Dawn)
    “The language may seem difficult to you at first but not after I explain the fundamentals to you,” Qadri explains to his class. “Speaking Chinese is all about tone. The language constitutes four basic syllables. The meaning of a word in Chinese may change according to the tone or syllable used in pronouncing it. It may be the same word though. Also,” he adds, “like we have alphabets in Urdu and English, there are no alphabets in Chinese. Maybe written Chinese may seem like a bunch of insects to you at first but after careful study you would notice that they are pictograms. Writing ‘tree’ will have you actually drawing a symbol that looks like a pine tree, writing ‘heart’ will have you draw the outline of a heart,” he demonstrates while writing on the board,” he says.

    The majority of Qadri’s students are businessmen or professionals working in fields where they have plenty of interaction with the Chinese. “So they want to learn functional or spoken Chinese. I have specially designed short courses for them. After studying one module, those who already have some interaction with the native Chinese are able to build further on their language skills through practice,” he points out.

    One of Qadri’s students, Maria Qayyum Farooqui, a project communications executive with an events management company, says that they get Chinese delegations that they are expected to communicate with all the time. “Chinese people are very sharp. They understand a bit of Urdu and English, too. But we are at a disadvantage when trying to get our message across to them,” says Maria.

    Some years ago, Mohammad Aftab, a youth from Abbottabad working with the Indus Motor Company Limited found an opportunity to travel to Korea. He wanted to work there but as things didn’t work out according to plan, he found himself travelling to China on a five-year visa. During his stay there he got by doing small jobs. He also learnt the local language. Aftab wanted to stay on in China as he couldn’t really envision making a life for himself in his native Abbottabad. But after overstaying his welcome there—when his visa expired—the young man was unceremoniously deported to Pakistan.

    [​IMG]
    A bank signboard in Mandarin and English at Gwadar airport. (Shazia Hasan)
    Aftab’s story doesn’t end just there. After coming back here, he worked as a part-time electrician for some time, earning around 500 rupees a day, when he could find work here, that is. It was like this until he realised that he possessed a valuable skill—fluency in the Chinese language. Today, he is employed with the Hazara Motorway Project and the high-paying job he landed is because of his fluency in Mandarin. Aftab earns almost 200,000 rupees monthly as the main liaison person between the local workers and the Chinese technicians working with the company to build roads.

    Knowledge is power

    The news, two years ago, that Mandarin as a subject was to be made mandatory in schools in Sindh from class six to class 10 was frowned upon by many who questioned the idea behind teaching of an alien language when kids here hadn’t even mastered the regional or official languages.

    [​IMG]
    A copy of the Quran in Chinese with writing implements. (Shazia Hasan)
    Under the MoU signed between the Sindh government education department and Chinese education department, schools in Sindh are to teach Mandarin while imparting knowledge about Chinese culture and values with the help of China. Under the scheme students learning Mandarin will be awarded extra marks, scholarships and be given opportunities for further education in China.

    Though implementation of that decision is yet to be seen, there are some schools that have taken up the task of teaching Chinese to their pupils. One such chain of schools that goes by the name of the Roots School System (which has branches across Pakistan) has started doing it already.

    The written word

    Communication also includes publishing periodicals for the Chinese readership in Pakistan. The Chinese mean business and Huashang is the first business news magazine in Mandarin, which has been serving a readership of 25,000 for one year now. “We have a team of Chinese journalists and Chinese translators working to bring out this fortnightly magazine, which comes out alternately with an English edition one week and a Chinese one the next,” says Umar Farooq Alvi, an editor, at the magazine’s head office in Islamabad.

    “The focus of the magazines is on business. We help Chinese companies looking to invest in Pakistan understand our market better,” Alvi explains.

    The magazine only publishes 5,000 copies but to reach its wider readership an e-paper is available online and on Facebook, too. “Our copies are free. We earn through advertisements,” he says. “We publish advertisements for Chinese multinational companies looking for mergers with local business houses, we carry government advertisements too,” he adds.

    Getting a good response for the publication, the magazine’s management recently met to look into bringing out both their English and Chinese publications simultaneously instead of on alternate weeks. “We are discussing it now. Let’s see what happens,” Alvi says.

    Banking on the Chinese

    Of late, some banks have also started attracting Chinese clients through their language. Habib Metropolitan Bank happens to be the trailblazer here. One can see the bank’s name is written both in English and in Chinese on the green board above the main entrance of some of their branches, one of them being at Bilawal Chowrangi.

    Sheeza Ahmed, a senior manager looking at marketing at HabibMetro says they have Chinese business desks to look after their Chinese clientele at select branches. “Currently, there are five to 10 such branches across Pakistan with at least two to three in Karachi and also in other big cities such as Lahore and Islamabad along with the one in Gilgit and Gwadar,” she says. “We have specially-trained staff for these Chinese business desks who have received Chinese language training to help our Chinese friends feel comfortable dealing with our bank. Hopefully we will also be building on our Chinese clientele in the near future because of more investment opportunities coming up here due to CPEC,” she says.



    [​IMG]
    A page from Huashang, a weekly that focuses on Pakistan business news of interest to Chinese investors. (Shazia Hasan)

    Another such Pakistani bank happens to be the United Bank Limited. During a recent trip to Gwadar, one could see big advertisements of the bank mounted on plaques at the airport lounge walls in both English and Chinese with pictures of the Great Wall of China.

    Grocery shopping, the Chinese way

    It is not about Pakistanis and their love for Pakistani-Chinese cuisine as we have enjoyed chicken corn soup, egg fried rice, noodles, sweet and sour prawns from time immemorial. It is more about whether our biryani, pulao, korma and nihari would suit the Chinese palate. In most cases it does not. And that’s what grocery stores such as Z Mart, owned by the food supply division of S. Zia-ul-Haq & Sons, does by offering Chinese groceries. The mezzanine floor of their outlet in Clifton, Karachi, boasts of a variety of neatly packaged Chinese spices and ingredients such as red long mushrooms, pickled sweet garlic, pickled kelp, pickled vegetable mix, hot pot soup, chilli threads, sweet meat seasoning, pickled mustard, red bean paste, and what not.

    [​IMG]
    Snacks on sale at Z Mart, an Asian grocery store in Karachi (Shazia Hasan)
    Abdul Rasheed, the shopkeeper at Z Mart, says that their company provides items subject to the demand for them. “We order containers full of Chinese food ingredients because our Chinese customers need them here,” Rasheed says. “There are so many of our Chinese friends coming to Pakistan for work because of CPEC now. We must provide them with what they want so that they can lead a comfortable life here. They should not have any problem in Pakistan and for this we have liaison officers who meet with them to find out about their preference and choice in foods and where to avail these from in China. And we get it for them,” he says.

    Acting up

    We see the Chinese as wise, well-meaning hard-working people and our friends, so why not see them in the romantic lead of a love story, too? Chalay Thay Saath is a Pakistani movie with a local heroine and a Chinese hero.

    Movies are the prime medium to help audiences become comfortable with change or perhaps plant a new idea in their minds. “While drafting the story and script, the writer Atiya Zaidi, Umer Adil, the director and myself were skeptical initially,” says Beenish Umer, the producer of the movie. “We realised as a nation and culture giving a daughter away to another culture might not be well perceived. I remember we even had a few debates about reversing the roles, and making the leading male role Pakistani. But to be honest, after the film was released we felt the audience took very well to the story, to Adam’s character and to the Resham and Adam dynamics. Despite Chalay Thay Saath’s intention of not following a formula/masala film solution, it became a bittersweet love story which the audience grew to love,” she adds.

    [​IMG]
    “To be certain, I’m sure after Chalay Thay Saath, and also taking from the current dynamics of real life relationships, the Pakistani film producers might also look into unorthodox connections and cultural differences while telling their stories. I can foresee other Pakistan-China stories as both the countries are trying to work together on co-productions,” the young producer predicts.

    Of course, Resham, the heroine’s name in the movie is no coincidence. Shahrah-i-Resham or the Silk Road has served as the main artery for trade with China for a very long time now. And with CPEC, the friendship between the two countries has grown stronger. How CPEC shapes Pak-China relations in the future depends on the two countries’ approach it but one thing is for sure: Pakistan will never be the same again.

    This article first appeared on Dawn.


    https://qz.com/1005661/pakistan-is-feeling-more-and-more-like-a-chinatown/

    They even sell their women to Chinese and one day Porkistanis will alos look like CHINKIES. :rofl::rofl::rofl::rofl::rofl::rofl::rofl::rofl:
     
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  10. Hellfire

    Hellfire Devil's Advocate Staff Member MODERATOR

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    Advancing CPEC by Stealth
    Khurram HusainUpdated July 20, 2017


    This newspaper carried a report back in Mayrevealing a document that could be called the CPEC master plan. That report drew a sharp response from the government, particularly the minister planning who is in charge of all CPEC coordination. He argued that the report was “factually incorrect” and that the real long-term plan was under negotiation and would be released to the public upon finalisation.

    But a number of developments since then show that the plan as revealed, far from being “factually incorrect”, is in fact being implemented as we speak. The implementation is taking place below the headlines, and many of the initiatives outlined in the plan are being advanced by burying them under other policy initiatives to give them a different name and thereby deflect attention. This mode of implementation is contrary to how those CPEC projects that the government is keen to tout are being projected as massive signature achievements. An entire website has been created simply for the purpose of purveying information about specific CPEC projects, but there are many that find no mention on that site.


    The corridor is only minimally about transit trade. The power plants, too, are little more than ‘early harvest projects’.

    Let’s take an example. One of the elements of the plan published in this newspaper that took a lot of people by surprise was its emphasis on agriculture. A careful reading of that plan document shows agriculture is, in fact, one of the biggest priorities for the Chinese government when they look at CPEC — not transit trade, not power plants. There is no mention of agriculture on the CPEC website (accessed on July 19).

    But the recently announced National Food Security Policy, which went almost completely unnoticed as was undoubtedly the intention, contains a couple of paragraphs which show that the government is, in fact, moving fast to create an enabling environment to facilitate the entry of Chinese enterprises into Pakistan’s agricultural sector. Of course, there is nothing wrong with this. The agri-sector is in dire need of investments. But the fact that this is being done with some care to ensure no attention is brought to bear upon it is curious.

    The policy has an entire section that details the creation of what it calls “CPEC agricultural development zones”. It identifies areas for the “agricultural economic and technical cooperation between China and Pakistan”, and details that “the corridor is divided into nine sections, each of which possesses distinct opportunities for establishing diverse agro-based businesses” since the corridor traverses different agro-ecologies.

    “The commodities that can be potentially exported to China include cereals, dairy, eggs, honey, live animals, tobacco, meat, seafood, fruit and nuts.” The idea advanced by the policy is “developing business clusters for more than 40 commodities identified across the corridor for promoting rural businesses through developing entrepreneurship, processing zones, skilled manpower and modern market infrastructure”.

    The whole enterprise is then wrapped up in agrarian development objectives. “Overall, the establishment of agricultural economic zones along CPEC in collaboration with Chinese counterparts can help to achieve:
    a) food sovereignty;
    b) benefiting farmers and rural communities;
    c) smarter food production and yields;
    d) biodiversity conservation;
    e) sustainable soil health and cleaner water;
    f) ecological pest management; and
    g) resilient food systems.”

    In another place, the policy says all this is being done to advance the Sustainable Development Goals, in particular the one that relates to hunger, to which it says the government has a “strong commitment”.

    The policy measures advanced to catalyse the creation of the CPEC agri-development zones also sound like they came straight out of the plan document revealed in the Dawn report. They are designed to facilitate the entry of private enterprises into the agrarian markets (again, nobody should construe this to be a bad thing), with a focus on “market intelligence”, reducing “post harvest losses”, and so on.

    This suggests that a policy framework is being built, under the guise of a ‘national food security policy’, that, in reality, is designed to lay the groundwork to advance the agriculture-related priorities of Chinese enterprises, as the master plan document revealed in the Dawn report clearly stated.

    The same thing can be seen in many other areas too. In finance, for example, work is under way to facilitate a greater role for the yuan in Pakistan’s economy, for payment and settlement purposes. The attorney general has said that “disputes between commercial entities of the two countries are bound to crop up”, for which “a bilateral institution for arbitration” between China and Pakistan could be necessary, so recourse to other bodies like the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes and the International Chambers of Commerce is not necessary.

    All this is happening beneath the radar of the headlines. There are no flashy announcements, and often the work being undertaken is not mentioned at all. Look at the CPEC website run by the government of Pakistan, and you will find no mention of any of this, only of roads and power plants. The descriptions contained in the National Food Security Policy are a rare example, but even they are vaguely expressed, couched in other development objectives, and with pains taken to draw little or no attention to them.

    Yet, this is where the reality of CPEC is. The corridor is only minimally about transit trade. The power plants, too, are little more than the “early harvest projects”, on commercial terms, designed to jump-start the economy before the real game begins. The real game of CPEC is about granting access to Chinese enterprises to Pakistan’s domestic markets, raw materials and the agrarian economy.

    But that side of the entire equation is being kept deliberately quiet while we are encouraged to think of the projects in terms of roads and power plants alone.

    There is a growing and urgent need for our CPEC conversation to move beyond transit trade and balance of payments. The real game has not even begun, and few understand the form it will take.


    https://www.dawn.com/news/1346390/advancing-cpec-by-stealth
     
  11. Agent_47

    Agent_47 Admin - Blog Staff Member MODERATOR

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  12. lca-fan

    lca-fan Major SENIOR MEMBER

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    Pakistan China's new colony? Leaked papers reveal Beijing's stake in economy, key projects
    Leaked documents reveal China's plans to gain a controlling stake in large swathes of Pakistan's economy, from farms and textiles to power projects, even the stock exchange.


    [​IMG]
    Ananth Krishnan
    July 20, 2017 | UPDATED 19:35 IST
    Click here to Enlarge


    THE TAKEOVER BLUEPRINT

    CPEC will usher in an even more sweeping takeover of the Pakistani economy. A draft masterplan says thousands of acres of Pakistani land will be transferred to Chinese companies to grow crops, build meat processing plants and develop free trade zones. Chinese garment factories will, en masse, be transferred to Pakistan, while China will manage and run tourism projects and special economic zones along the southern coast, with rather ambitious plans for even yacht clubs and hot spring hotels to develop an unlikely tourism hub in the restive Balochistan province, of all places.

    "There are fears that Pakistan will become just another province of China, or will be reduced to being a 'vassal state'," S. Akbar Zaidi, a leading Pakistani political economist and professor at Columbia University's School of International and Public Affairs, has argued in a paper.

    For Beijing, the stakes are high. The internal assessment by Renmin University's Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, which sent scholars to visit Pakistan and study CPEC projects late last year, warned of numerous risks, from political infighting in Pakistan to terrorism. The report, however, came to the final conclusion that the only way for China to guarantee success is to assume even more sweeping control.

    'Neither China nor Pakistan can afford the consequences of the failure of constructing the corridor,' the Chinese report concluded. 'If the current uncertainty was to continue, it would not only delay the opening of the flagship project but CPEC would end up becoming a burden on China and have a great negative impact,' it said, of President Xi Jinping's pet One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative.

    The most surprising aspect of the draft masterplan is its revelation of the wide ambit of conceived projects. Previously, CPEC was thought to be limited to power and infrastructure projects in Pakistan. The $46 billion cited estimate of the total initiative envisages $11 billion investment in highways and transport networks, and $35 billion in coal and hydropower plants aimed at tackling Pakistan's energy deficit.

    The draft plan, however, reveals that CPEC will eventually be far more sweeping than power plants and roads: it envisages a complete takeover of almost every aspect of the Pakistani economy. Agriculture, surprisingly, is the focus. Around 6,500 acres will be leased to China for agricultural demonstration projects, the masterplan draft says. It lists 17 projects, including a fertiliser plant with an annual 800,000 tonne output. Vegetable and grain processing plants with a 1 million tonne capacity have also been planned.

    Power projects that will cut Pakistan's soaring energy deficit are also central to the plan. China has announced 17 projects with a total investment of $35 billion. The first of these, a coal-powered plant at Sahiwal in the Punjab, went online in May. Pakistan suffers an energy deficit of around 7 GW, with a capacity of 22 GW that, however, only produces around 12 GW a year. The total energy from China's projects, once they go online in the next few years, is an estimated 12.1 GW, which China says will end up bridging Pakistan's energy gap and ultimately contribute between 40 and 50 per cent of the country's energy needs. In addition to this, the Chinese are planning to overhaul Pakistan's road and rail infrastructure. Apart from upgrading the Karakoram highway that will serve as a key arterial link connecting Xinjiang and Gwadar, it is already being used to ship goods transported from Xinjiang by road, by sea to West Asia-China is also revamping the country's crumbling national highway and railway network, starting with upgrading sections of the Karachi-Peshawar road and rail line.



    [​IMG]
    The under-construction Orange Line metro at Lahore




    [​IMG]
    Trucks carrying goods during the opening of the Kashgar-Gwadar trade route


    THE XINJIANG MODEL

    Essentially, the 'Xinjiang model' will be adopted in Pakistan. In the 1950s, Mao set up the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC), a state within a state tasked with carrying out agriculture and development projects in what was then China's wild west. The CPEC plan even conceives of a role for the XPCC. 'We will impart advanced planting and breeding techniques to peasant households or farmers by means of land acquisition by the government, renting to China-invested enterprises and building planting and breeding bases,' it says.

    'China-invested enterprises will establish factories to produce fertilisers, pesticides, vaccines and feedstuffs' while 'China-invested enterprises will, in the form of joint ventures, shareholding or acquisition, cooperate with local enterprises of Pakistan to build a three-level warehousing system (purchase and storage warehouse, transit warehouse and port warehouse)'. China will even construct a national storage network of warehouses for Pakistan, starting in Islamabad and Gwadar and then in Karachi, Lahore and Peshawar.

    The draft also outlines a move to transport China's waning textile industry, currently grappling with rising wages, to Pakistan. As a start, a cotton processing plant with a 100,000 tonne output has been planned. The longer-term plan, Renmin University's assessment suggests, is 'shifting China's garment industries directly to Pakistan'. Beyond the lower wages and availability of land, China sees the favourable export tariffs Pakistan enjoys as a motivation.

    'With Pakistan in 2015 acquiring duty-free access to the EU even as China's tariffs increased from 9 to 12 per cent, this is worth considering,' the study advises. China is also planning to develop Pakistan's mineral resources, particularly in Balochistan and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, eyeing gold reserves as well as setting up marble and granite processing sites.

    HEART OF THE PLAN

    Gwadar, a dusty town of less than a hundred thousand people that sits on the Arabian Sea in Balochistan, is the CPEC hub. China has already built a port here that it is managing. Beyond the port, which will give China access to the Indian Ocean, it envisages a free trade zone and manufacturing hub that could serve as a launch pad for exports to West Asia and Africa. China has already secured a 23-year tax-free deal for its companies that will operate out of Gwadar.

    The CPEC masterplan rather ambitiously even envisages a coastal tourism belt in restive Balochistan, planning 'international cruise clubs' in Gwadar that would 'provide marine tourists private rooms that would feel as though they were "living in the ocean''.' A coastal tourism zone will feature 'yacht wharfs, cruise homeports, nightlife, city parks, public squares, theatres, golf courses and spas, hot spring hotels and water sports', the Dawn report noted, running all the way to the Iran border.

    China sees the Gwadar port as the heart of the plan. The Renmin University study forecasts an ambitious annual cargo throughput of 300-400 million tonnes, more than 10 times Pakistan's current biggest port, Karachi, and, the study pointedly adds, almost equivalent to India's total current throughput. The university's researchers found that Gwadar, still nowhere close to capacity, had been transformed under Chinese management. In February 2013, the China Overseas Port Holdings Limited acquired the rights to operate the port from the Singapore Port Authority, which left the port in a state of ruin, 'filled with rubbish and garbage', until the Chinese took over. Since then, a first shipping route was opened by the Chinese state-run Shipping Ocean Company (COSCO) in May 2015 exporting local seafood to Dubai. In November, the first CPEC export was flagged, as a convoy carrying 60 containers of a range of Chinese goods, from machinery to appliances, to be exported to West Asia and Africa, arrived in Gwadar after travelling 3,000 kilometres from Xinjiang along the Karakoram highway.

    SECURITY FEARS

    China is certainly more than aware that a lot can go wrong with this ambitious economic blueprint in one of the world's most volatile regions. A significant portion of the Renmin University assessment was devoted to assessing risks, the biggest of which, in the Chinese view, is Pakistan's unpredictable domestic political environment. For instance, it cited a project in Sindh that faced a lack of support from the local government. 'The project is ratified by the federal government but the Sindh government believes the centre does not have the authority,' it said. The report also noted the heated controversy between states over the CPEC's alignment, with widespread resentment that Punjab, where Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and his brother Shahbaz, the chief minister, are dominant figures, was acquiring prime projects.

    The Chinese study warned of 'ethnic and provincial conflicts in Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan', but was optimistic that most provinces and parties were supportive as 'except Balochistan no other ethnic group party opposes CPEC'. The report concluded that a government under Nawaz Sharif would ensure the project's progress, expressing concern about his weakening domestic position after the Panama Papers revelations. 'If there are no exceptions, the chances for PML-N (Sharif's party) to reassume power are high, and the continuation of the government can guarantee the continuation and support of the government to CPEC,' the report said.

    Security is the other major concern, highlighted by the kidnapping and reported killing of two young Chinese from Quetta, Balochistan, in May. The Chinese study cited a number of other incidents that had targeted its citizens in 2016. In May, a Chinese engineer at the Kazmu project was targeted by a bomb attack claimed by an outfit called the Sindh Revolutionary Force. Two months later, a bomb attack in Quetta killed 74 people, while in November last year, a team from a Chinese oil and natural gas exploration company was targeted in an attack by a group called the Baloch Revolutionary Army in which two Pakistani security personnel killed.

    The Pakistan army has deployed a special security division of 15,000 troops to protect Chinese personnel and assets, but the report argued that 'a troop size of 15,000 can hardly guarantee the safety of projects around the country.... And considering that Pakistan needs to deploy a large number of troops in its eastern borders adjoining India and now needs to deploy troops in Afghan border, allocating 15,000 is the largest capacity.' The wider concern was because of security, Chinese staff in Gwadar, for instance, will have to be 'cloistered within the Chinese zone as the situation around the city is not stable'. The Chinese report worried this will alienate the local population because 'Chinese personnel are carrying out work under the protection of armed forces and this inhibits improving relations with local people to the extent that it could lead to opposition and lack of people's support'.



    [​IMG]
    Chalay Thay Saath, the first Pak-China romantic story


    FINANCIAL RISKS

    Then there are the financial hazards. China's exposure, so far, is much less than the advertised $46 billion figure, with estimates that in the past three years, its total investments would be in the $5 billion range, spent largely on coal power projects that are being built, the widening of the Karakoram highway and sections of the Karachi-Peshawar expressway.

    Chinese assessments suggest the $46 billion figure that Pakistani officials regularly cite may not materialise for a long time yet. The CPEC draft masterplan from China's planning agency noted, as the Dawn reported, that 'Pakistan's economy cannot absorb FDI much above $2 billion per year without giving rise to stresses in its economy....It is recommended that China's maximum annual direct investment in Pakistan should be around $1 billion'-a damning reality check to fanciful figures of $50 billion being invested in the country.

    For some in Pakistan, the long-term fear is that this blueprint will, as economist Zaidi notes, render it a 'vassal state' deep in China's economic orbit. After one year of the project, bilateral trade was up 15 per cent to $13.77 billion in 2015-16, while Pakistan's trade deficit with China was a whopping $12 billion. There are already murmurs of discontent about the favourable terms for Chinese companies.

    "Estimates range from Pakistan having to pay $3 to $3.5 billion annually back to China for the next 30 years for Chinese loans after 2020, to a probable severe balance of payments crisis," argues Zaidi, noting how in Sri Lanka and Tajikistan, "with rising costs and debts incurred by the host countries, large chunks of land were handed over to the Chinese in lieu of unpaid funds. Sovereign guarantees to Chinese power producers have been made, where the Pakistan government will, 'if the power purchaser defaults on payments, pick up the liability and pay 22 per cent of the bills of Chinese power producers upfront'". As he puts it, "CPEC is a Chinese project, for Chinese interests." And Pakistan, he says, just happens to be part of the geographical terrain.

    IMPLICATIONS FOR INDIA

    What does it mean for India? On May 13 this year, India refused to participate in China's Belt and Road with a strongly-worded statement. "No country can accept a project that ignores its core concerns on sovereignty and territorial integrity," MEA spokesperson Gopal Baglay said. OBOR passing through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir is the primary reason New Delhi boycotted the project. For long, India has held the Kashmir issue as a bilateral dispute with Pakistan, with no room for outside intervention. China has now willy-nilly become a party to it. "Since CPEC was announced, Pakistan has stepped up its activities inside Kashmir. Funding to separatist elements has increased," says Jayadeva Ranade, former additional secretary in the Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW). The presence of Chinese personnel within Pakistan is something India must take into account in the event of hostilities, he says.

    For instance, China and Pakistan have begun joint patrols in PoK near the Xinjiang border, Chinese media reports have said. Even as China now lambasts India as a "third party" with a "hidden agenda" for "intervening" in its dispute on the Doklam plateau with Bhutan, Beijing has quietly deployed its frontier troops on the soil of PoK, which India considers its territory. In the event of an Indo-Pak conflict, Indian officials do not expect China to intervene directly, but the infrastructure it is laying down in PoK can be used to back Pakistan with massive logistics support.

    The larger concern is that collusion between the two countries is now assuming sinister dimensions. Gwadar is likely to become China's second overseas naval base after Djibouti near the Gulf of Aden. The port also sits astride the sea routes from where more than 55 per cent of India's energy needs flow in. China's clandestine backing of Pakistan goes back decades starting from the alleged transfer of nuclear weapon blueprints in the early 1980s. The 2016 sale of eight Yuan class submarines to Pakistan not only attempts to checkmate the Indian navy in its backyard, but adds another nuclear dimension. Pakistan is now working to equip them with nuclear-tipped variants of the Chinese 'Babur' land attack cruise missiles.

    Then there is the diplomatic protection China offers Pakistan, which some in Delhi believe is emboldening Islamabad to hurt Indian interests. In the past, Beijing had largely kept away from issues such as the Kashmir dispute. That caution is now giving way to what some see as an open backing of Pakistan. This was evident in Beijing issuing stapled visas to Indian residents of Jammu & Kashmir-which subsequently ended after India stopped defence exchanges-even while it opened the door to Pakistani residents from Gilgit-Baltistan to freely cross the border into Xinjiang to open up trading offices in Kashgar, where ironically India had a consulate and trading presence until 1950.

    This renewed China-Pakistan nexus has once again begun to cast a shadow on India's relations with China. In two issues that have recently strained relations-China's blocking of India's attempts to sanction the Pakistani terrorist Masood Azhar at the United Nations Security Council 1267 sanctions committee and India's failed entry to the Nuclear Suppliers Group-the Pakistan factor has loomed large in China's calculus. Beijing in 2016 stymied the bid to sanction Azhar, and once again in January placed another 'technical hold' on a fresh application backed by the US, UK and France. On the NSG, Beijing's officials have openly said that "other non-NPT countries" (those that have not signed the nuclear non-proliferation treaty) besides India also had legitimate aspirations to join the grouping, referring to Pakistan. Chinese nuclear negotiators pointedly visited Islamabad after talks in Delhi to underline how Beijing is linking India and Pakistan, despite the impeccable non-proliferation record of the former and the questionable track record of the latter. As Beijing further deepens its economic and strategic embrace with its 'iron brother', its relations with India are set to undergo a transformative shift. And for Delhi, confronting this renewed China-Pakistan nexus has become perhaps the most pressing diplomatic and military challenge.

    http://indiatoday.intoday.in/video/china-pakistan-relations-cpec-obor-pok/1/1007928.html

    http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/...mplication-for-india-cpec-obor/1/1006432.html
     
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  13. An Indian

    An Indian 2nd Lieutant FULL MEMBER

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    I now understand what they are after in Pakistan. I bet the key is agricultural land. A lot of their agricultural land has been polluted and Pakistan's lands are relatively less used... Though I wonder what their plan is for subduing the pakistani brand of militant Islam.
     
  14. lca-fan

    lca-fan Major SENIOR MEMBER

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  15. GSLV Mk III

    GSLV Mk III Captain FULL MEMBER

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    Searched Gwadar on Google Earth & found this. This small port with a quay length of 600 meter is what Pakistanis are expecting to become next Dubai ? This is smaller than ports like Pipavav or Kattupalli.

    U1.png

    Notice the number of ships, containers & trucks at the port. Or the absence of the same. :p
     
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