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Chinese troops transgress Sikkim-Bhutan-Tibet tri-junction sector in Doka La / Dokalam Area

Discussion in 'International Relations' started by Agent_47, Jun 26, 2017.

  1. lca-fan

    lca-fan Major SENIOR MEMBER

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    See what this GEM of Human Beings from porkistan is saying/claiming......................:facepalm:


    [​IMG]

    :rofl::rofl::rofl::rofl::rofl::rofl::rofl::rofl::rofl:
     
  2. Kalmuahlaunda

    Kalmuahlaunda Lieutenant FULL MEMBER

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    well thats how the great ISI propaganda works..
     
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  3. sangos

    sangos Lt. Colonel ELITE MEMBER

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    I can use some of what he smokes. Will help on the job. Btw this 'Malik' is a Sri Lankan!
     
  4. surya kiran

    surya kiran 2nd Lieutant FULL MEMBER

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    I am still to see China respond that they are going to build the road. I mean, after all the huff and puff over soverignty, the mouse dragon gave up.

    Our objective : occupy that land till road construction is stopped.
    Status : Achieved

    Chinese objective : Build road.
    Status as per Chinese spokesperson :"We will make an overall assessment of the weather conditions and all related factors, and according to the actual circumstances complete construction plans".

    Meaning - China depends on weather condition for building road. Which means, weather is bad. We are not building road. The mouse dragon ran back to Beijing with no tail, since tail also got cut off.
     
    Angel Eyes likes this.
  5. RMLOVER

    RMLOVER Lieutenant FULL MEMBER

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    http://economictimes.indiatimes.com...ng-example-for-india/articleshow/60270686.cms


    Call it neighbour’s envy or historical similarities, India likes to compare itself with China in all respects. China’s rapid rise to a global power from an economy smaller than India’s just a few decades ago fires Indian imagination: If China can, why can’t India?



    If you read Three-Year Action Agenda: 2017-18 to 2019-20 prepared by the government think tank Niti Aayog, you would feel India is racing to catch up with China.

    The Niti Aayog report cites China’s success in various sectors and suggests India too can emulate it. For example, in the trade and industry section, it says, “Productivity as measured by value added per worker in manufacturing in China is estimated to be nearly three times that in India. Correspondingly, average manufacturing wages in China are three times that in india.”

    This is just one of dozens of such comparisons. It says India must replicate the Chinese strategy by developing ..



    Read more at:
    http://economictimes.indiatimes.com...ofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst
     
  6. An Indian

    An Indian 2nd Lieutant FULL MEMBER

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    So is there something wrong with this? We are humble, we learn from EVERYONE - be it a friend or an enemy (and that includes Pakistan) and we get better and grow.

    It is only the arrogant fool that refuses to learn from others with all its consequences. Which camp does China fall into?
     
  7. sangos

    sangos Lt. Colonel ELITE MEMBER

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    Excellent hindsight analysis and summary

     
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  8. Som Thomas

    Som Thomas 2nd Lieutant FULL MEMBER

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    Doklam standoff: Did China not expect an aggressive and bellicose response from India?
    Post-Doklam standoff, Chinese media says that India has changed and become aggressive.

    By IndiaToday.in |
    September 1, 2017
    [​IMG]
    The Doklam standoff ended last week after 70 days during which the Indian and Chinese troops stood on their toes in a territory disputed between Bhutan and China. India made sure that Chinese salami slicing policy did not succeed at Doklam.

    China finally had to climb down as it got almost isolated with no country backing its claim over Doklam. On the other hand, the US, the UK and Japan openly threw their weight behind India. They called for maintaining status quo and settling the dispute through talks. This is exactly India stated when Chinese troops tried to alter the status quo by constructing a highway in the region.

    China threatened India with a military action. On China's army day, President Xi Jinping, in a veiled reference, described India as an aggressor. Chinese spokespersons demanded that India must withdraw unconditionally from Doklam before any meaningful bilateral talks could be held and its state-owned media launched a tirade against India. Finally, an understanding was reached and disengagement was announced on August 26.

    WHY CHINESE MEDIA CHANGED TONE

    Now, the Chinese media is projecting China as a victim. But, while doing so, it is acknowledging that India has changed since the last border conflict - a point categorically stated by Defence Minister Arun Jaitley at an India Today event in June.

    Responding to Chinese foreign ministry's remarks that India must learn from its lessons from 1962 war and withdraw its troops from Doklam, Arun Jaitley had then said, "India of 2017 is different from what it was in 1962."

    During Doklam, China experienced a new India, who Chinese media is branding as "aggressive" and "bellicose". India, on the other hand, displayed how China should be handled when it enters into a territorial conflict. Doklam experience may help the US and Japan in dealing with China in the South China Sea.

    WHAT CHINESE MEDIA SAID

    With BRICS summit only days away, state-owned the Global Times of China has written that it is "time for India to push past anger and strengthen BRICS cooperation." In another article, the paper says that BRICS success depends on the "positive attitude of India".

    Interestingly, the Chinese media denounced India's economic and international standing during Doklam standoff. Several Chinese commentators undermined India's stature saying that China's economy was five times bigger. On military front, in one of the articles, the Global Times wrote that in the event of war "the PLA is perfectly capable of annihilating all Indian troops in the border region."

    Now, the same paper writes, "Recently, India's attitude toward China has changed a lot. India has become aggressive and bellicose."

    OTHER WORRIES OF CHINA

    China is also worried about India putting curbs on unwanted Chinese imports during Doklam standoff. "In August, India launched anti-dumping and countervailing investigations into more than 90 Chinese products. This more or less demonstrated India's unfriendly attitude toward China," the paper complains.

    The growing cooperation between India and the US also makes China uncomfortable. India and the US held Malabar naval exercise while Indian and Chinese troops stayed positioned at 150 metres from each other in Doklam. Later, the US backed India's stand favouring bilateral talks to settle boundary disputes.

    The Global Times writes, "After Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to the US, the Modi administration strengthened its opposition against China. These changes were music to the ears of Western countries since they feel that India's actions will be able to suppress China at low costs to themselves."

    The way India dig its heels in Doklam has made China a bit nervous as its ambition of becoming the leading superpower of the world and the undisputed leader of Asia has taken a beating.

    India's stand at Doklam has made China look vulnerable as a superpower. China is now playing victim card to garner some international support - which it could not find during Doklam standoff - at a time when it is hosting the head of BRICS states, a group representing 40 per cent of world's population and 22 per cent of world's GDP.

    http://m.indiatoday.in/story/doklam...ssive-narendra-modi-xi-jinping/1/1038817.html

     
  9. lca-fan

    lca-fan Major SENIOR MEMBER

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    Doklam standoff: Did China not expect an aggressive and bellicose response from India?
    Post-Doklam standoff, Chinese media says that India has changed and become aggressive.
    IndiaToday.in | Edited by Prabhash K Dutta

    New Delhi, September 1, 2017 | UPDATED 19:06 IST

    70 days during which the Indian and Chinese troops stood on their toes in a territory disputed between Bhutan and China. India made sure that Chinese salami slicing policy did not succeed at Doklam.


    China finally had to climb down as it got almost isolated with no country backing its claim over Doklam. On the other hand, the US, the UK and Japan openly threw their weight behind India. They called for maintaining status quo and settling the dispute through talks. This is exactly India stated when Chinese troops tried to alter the status quo by constructing a highway in the region.


    China threatened India with a military action. On China's army day, President Xi Jinping, in a veiled reference, described India as an aggressor. Chinese spokespersons demanded that India must withdraw unconditionally from Doklam before any meaningful bilateral talks could be held and its state-owned media launched a tirade against India. Finally, an understanding was reached and disengagement was announced on August 26.



    WHY CHINESE MEDIA CHANGED TONE

    Now, the Chinese media is projecting China as a victim. But, while doing so, it is acknowledging that India has changed since the last border conflict - a point categorically stated by Defence Minister Arun Jaitley at an India Today event in June.


    Responding to Chinese foreign ministry's remarks that India must learn from its lessons from 1962 war and withdraw its troops from Doklam, Arun Jaitley had then said, "India of 2017 is different from what it was in 1962."

    During Doklam, China experienced a new India, who Chinese media is branding as "aggressive" and "bellicose". India, on the other hand, displayed how China should be handled when it enters into a territorial conflict. Doklam experience may help the US and Japan in dealing with China in the South China Sea.


    WHAT CHINESE MEDIA SAID

    With BRICS summit only days away, state-owned the Global Times of China has written that it is "time for India to push past anger and strengthen BRICS cooperation." In another article, the paper says that BRICS success depends on the "positive attitude of India".

    Interestingly, the Chinese media denounced India's economic and international standing during Doklam standoff. Several Chinese commentators undermined India's stature saying that China's economy was five times bigger. On military front, in one of the articles, the Global Times wrote that in the event of war "the PLA is perfectly capable of annihilating all Indian troops in the border region."


    Now, the same paper writes, "Recently, India's attitude toward China has changed a lot. India has become aggressive and bellicose."

    OTHER WORRIES OF CHINA

    China is also worried about India putting curbs on unwanted Chinese imports during Doklam standoff. "In August, India launched anti-dumping and countervailing investigations into more than 90 Chinese products. This more or less demonstrated India's unfriendly attitude toward China," the paper complains.

    The growing cooperation between India and the US also makes China uncomfortable. India and the US held Malabar naval exercise while Indian and Chinese troops stayed positioned at 150 metres from each other in Doklam. Later, the US backed India's stand favouring bilateral talks to settle boundary disputes.

    The Global Times writes, "After Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to the US, the Modi administration strengthened its opposition against China. These changes were music to the ears of Western countries since they feel that India's actions will be able to suppress China at low costs to themselves."


    The way India dig its heels in Doklam has made China a bit nervous as its ambition of becoming the leading superpower of the world and the undisputed leader of Asia has taken a beating.

    India's stand at Doklam has made China look vulnerable as a superpower. China is now playing victim card to garner some international support - which it could not find during Doklam standoff - at a time when it is hosting the head of BRICS states, a group representing 40 per cent of world's population and 22 per cent of world's GDP.

    http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/...ssive-narendra-modi-xi-jinping/1/1038817.html

    India's stand at Doklam has made China look vulnerable as a superpower.:LMAO::LMAO::LMAO::LMAO::LMAO::LMAO::LMAO::mrgreen::mrgreen::mrgreen::mrgreen:
     
  10. Golden_Rule

    Golden_Rule Lieutenant FULL MEMBER

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    LOL .... Can not expect anything better from a Paper PIG, an all-weather friend of a Paper dragon.
     
  11. Golden_Rule

    Golden_Rule Lieutenant FULL MEMBER

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    Agreed on the difference. china has always been declaring since day one, but failed to accomplish any of what it spoke. Such a mentality create fools out of themselves in front of the world.
     
  12. InfoWarrior

    InfoWarrior Lieutenant FULL MEMBER

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    Who is this sellout Saurabh Gupta in CGTN ?


    Him again in Brics discussion, he is such a loser
     
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  13. InfoWarrior

    InfoWarrior Lieutenant FULL MEMBER

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    India’s clever use of the BRICS card in Doklam standoff
    The very institutions that have facilitated China’s prominence can be potentially used to constrain its behaviour and shape its choices
    Abhijnan Rej
    [​IMG]
    Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping. Through the Doklam standoff, China has come across as a parvenu in the international system. Photo: AP
    For almost two and a half months, Indian and Chinese troops found themselves in a standoff in the Doklam plateau in Bhutan—the worst crisis between the two countries in three decades. That standoff ended on Monday. While both sides seem to have found acceptable face-savers, it is clear that India stands vindicated: the status quo in the Doklam plateau has been restored. Chinese bulldozers have now retreated from the disputed sliver of land (India’s core ask) even though India moved its troops out first (thus meeting a key Chinese demand). What is exceedingly interesting about how the crisis ended was its timing—a week before China hosts the annual BRICS (involving Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) summit in the coastal city of Xiamen.

    To be sure, the upcoming meet (which would have, by custom, included a bilateral meeting between Chinese President Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi) is not the sole reason why China agreed to, what in effect is, a climbdown. For example, the local balance of forces and the terrain would have put India ahead of China in any limited military conflict in the Doka La tri-junction area, thus removing Chinese incentives to forcibly dislodge Indian troops. A consequent military debacle would have proved very expensive for Xi ahead of the autumn congress of the Chinese Communist Party. But at the end, it was Chinese imperative to host a successful summit in Xiamen that may have provided the requisite push to end the face-off in Doklam.

    Since becoming president in 2013, Xi has, in his quest to restore China as a central power in the international system, relied on economic and military coercion, and quasi-liberal rhetoric around solidarity with great and small powers alike. From the latter has flowed a new Chinese diplomatic lexicon: of “a new type of great power relations,” “win-win pragmatic cooperation,” and, most recently, “major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics”. This rhetoric has sought to couch China’s geopolitical ambitions in benign and acceptable terms. A unifying feature of Chinese diplomatese under Xi has been an emphasis on sovereignty and equity even when Chinese foreign-policy practice has ignored these precepts.

    Enter BRICS. Even though the grouping predates Xi’s ascendance to power, he has promoted it as a template for cooperation between emerging powers. As such, BRICS has been a key proof-of-concept that China is willing to play a greater role in global governance—and that it will not remain a perennial shirker in the international system. China’s membership in BRICS has concretely promoted its interests in multiple ways. The BRICS push to reform international financial institutions has led to greater accommodation of China in the International Monetary Fund, for example. BRICS’ nascent norm-making around Westphalian sovereignty and equitability in the international order has been a useful instrument for Beijing to fight the agenda-setting monopoly of Atlantic powers. Above all, BRICS has furthered the cause of a multipolar world—the leading trope in recent Chinese foreign policy—more than any other institution that China has had stakes in.

    Western analysts—when not dismissive of the grouping as a glorified talk shop with very little internal coherence—have harboured a nagging suspicion that BRICS seeks to promote an illiberal world order. A saving grace for the grouping in countering this perception has been India’s membership. Euro-Atlantic powers realize that as a de-facto member of the political West, India’s deep-seated preference for the status quo, its close relationship with the US, and commitment to a liberal global order is what prevents BRICS from becoming an anti-Western coalition led by Russian muscle and Chinese money.

    Was Modi to boycott the Xiamen summit, it would have been the end of BRICS as we know it and reduced the grouping to a motley of expansionist powers (Russia and China) and perennial basket cases (Brazil and South Africa). As Xi seeks to fashion himself as the champion of globalization in the era of Donald Trump—witness his Davos speech this January—this would have been terrible press. Beyond the issue of optics: the Chinese have aggressively pushed for expanding BRICS to include other upcoming economies in the run-up to the Xiamen summit, perhaps as a way to interface a “BRICS Plus” grouping with Xi’s signature Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Was Modi to skip the summit, this proposition would have been dead on arrival.

    If several news reports are to be trusted, New Delhi shrewdly calculated this and accordingly played the boycott card. What added potence to this threat was its credibility: witness how India sat out the Belt and Road Initiative mega-forum earlier this year—the only major country to do so. Beijing would have also been cognizant of how Saarc essentially collapsed when New Delhi refused to participate in the annual summit in Islamabad last year.

    At the end of the day, the surprising thing is not that Delhi played this card. It is that Beijing could not foresee this as a distinct possibility when it embarked on a prolonged standoff with India aided by its shrill state-controlled media. Despite China’s braggadocio, through the standoff in Doklam, it has come across as a parvenu in the international system. It has failed to absorb an elementary insight that the very institutions that have facilitated its prominence can be potentially used to constrain its behaviour and shape its choices.

    Abhijnan Rej is a fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.

    http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/c4w...f-the-BRICS-card-in-Doklam-standoff-reso.html
     
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  14. Agent_47

    Agent_47 Admin - Blog Staff Member MODERATOR

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  15. surya kiran

    surya kiran 2nd Lieutant FULL MEMBER

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    The time of numerical superiority will quickly disappear over the next 10 years. The time for a decisive Chinese attack was in 2000-2006. Over the next 10 years, with a growing population and economy, Indian outlays will increase. The cost of war inflicted on China, if there is an Sino-India war will increase with every passing year.

    Time is on our side. Grow our economy, strengthen our military. Another 10 years and the one child policy will come home to bite. At the end of the day, technology can only do so much when you are defending your homeland. Numbers will prevail.
     

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