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Chinese troops transgress Sikkim-Bhutan-Tibet tri-junction sector in Doka La / Dokalam Area

Discussion in 'International Relations' started by Agent_47, Jun 26, 2017.

  1. Hellfire

    Hellfire Devil's Advocate Staff Member MODERATOR

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    Nicely summed up.
     
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  2. Hellfire

    Hellfire Devil's Advocate Staff Member MODERATOR

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    Dokalam standoff was a result of the pushback against Xi's policies and was supposed to be the precursor to the challenge to Xi in the run up to the Chinese Communist Party conclave. This was a foregone conclusion in view of the steps taken by Xi to impose some kind of control over PLA, which had become de-facto independent, and stressing upon the need for PLA to follow the party directives.

    The indications of a pushback was the brewing of trouble along the Dokalam region, which was picked up well in advance by the Indians in April itself. The month saw varying levels of alerts being sent across Indian Military Formations, with the CoAS ACM BS Dhanoa even writing a letter asking the force to be ready for war. The month also saw the Eastern Army Command go on an Op Alert and forward staging of some troops deployed in region, with build up being slowly calibrated to the approaching 'threat'.

    The management of the crisis by both Xi and Modi indicate that they both worked in a way in order to achieve a public posturing commensurate with the demands of the popular sentiments being imposed on their person, but no one can assume that the personal bonhomie that both have, played the most crucial part in ensuring the calibration of the rhetoric and preventing escalation inadvertently, into a realm of military conflict.

    The selective leaks and the rhetoric towards a potential conflict, was calibrated to cater to a small percentage of self styled hawks, who were championing a military conflict, something which would have had an adverse effect on either nations. The clincher of the scenario were two statements issued by either side, albeit, selectively, wherein Indians leaked an assessment wherein they conceded that the war was highly unlikely and likely to result in a bloody stalemate with no gains to either side, and the Chinese Military refuting any backing of calls for limited wars, suggesting that it will not achieve any aim and would be counter productive.

    By delaying a 'disengagement' till prior to BRICS, the statesmanship and perhaps, understanding between the two leaders, is showcased by one simple fact - it allows either side to withdraw without loss of face, and only strengthens Xi's case, who has emerged as a pragmatic and responsible leader, willing to see the broader picture.

    That China is uniquely placed to be able to play a significant role in many a regions, is a fact that is not lost to either side. The economic development and the financial muscle with quickly modernizing forces, positions China to be able to emerge as a potential leader, something which has greater dividends for the nation than a tract of land which has no significant value and instead, has potential to create a negative image for it. This position of China is also appreciated by those who oppose Xi, and BRICS success (by de-escalation and Modi travelling to China) only further underscores the role China can play in Chinese perceptions.

    By GoI not claiming a victory, or gloating over the turn of events, India has also accommodated the Xi struggle to a certain extent, thereby allowing him the 'breather' he needs to consolidate his power.

    At the end of the day, a known devil is always better than an unknown one, and for India, Xi is preferable to an unknown quantity.
     
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  3. Agent_47

    Agent_47 Admin - Blog Staff Member MODERATOR

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    Funny watch :biggthumpup:
     
  4. lca-fan

    lca-fan Major SENIOR MEMBER

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    2 AM meeting led to new dawn in Sino-Indian ties
    Diwakar| TNN | Updated: Sep 9, 2017, 10:44 IST

    [​IMG]
    NEW DELHI: Late in the evening on August 27, Indian ambassador to China Vijay Gokhale was told the Chinese were keen to know how soon they could meet him.

    Gokhale conveyed that he was in Hong Kong and could reach only past midnight even if he booked himself on the first Beijing-bound flight. He was urged to reach the Chinese capital as fast as he could, in a first clear indication that the quiet and dogged attempt to defuse the Doklam imbroglio may have borne fruit.

    It was 2 in the morning when he sat down with Chinese foreign ministry officials to discuss details of the Doklam disengagement.

    It took the two sides three hours to hammer out a mutually acceptable resolution and, potentially, lay the foundation for a new beginning between the giant neighbours.


    For, the announcement by the two governments the next day not only defused the stand-off — the worst in decades — on the Himalayan plateau, but appeared to indicate a greater understanding between the two sides to put bilateral ties on a stronger footing where they avoid conflicts and focus on development.

    Senior government sources said the de-escalation was facilitated by a larger agreement between the two principals — PM Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping — that the two sides approach and pursue their ties as a mutually beneficial opportunity; a vehicle to speed up development.

    "Both leaders agreed the two sides have a lot to gain from a partnership which helps them grow faster, and that approaching the bilateral equations as a zero-sum game, where one's gains are invariably at the cost of the other, will be a folly. This is what helped the two sides to achieve the breakthrough and formed the basis for positive talks on the sidelines of the BRICS summit," a key government functionary, familiar with the details, said.

    On Thursday, China's foreign minister Wang Yi articulated pretty much the same when he told reporters in Beijing that Xi and Modi, during their "successful" talks on the sidelines of the BRICS summit, had agreed to avoid border confrontation to ensure healthy and stable development.

    In his first remarks after the agreement on Doklam, Yi said, "Sino-Indian relations are not derailed. Sino-Indian development represents the future of the world... win-win cooperation is an inevitable choice and the correct direction for Sino-Indian ties."

    The convergence of views indeed appears remarkable considering that matters threatened to spiral out of control during the 73-day eyeball-to-eyeball stand-off and was achieved by the PM's belief that the two sides had nothing to gain from escalation.

    Modi, while firm that he wouldn't allow borders to be redrawn by force, was keen not to let the dispute snowball into a full-scale confrontation. He went about the objective by enforcing message control and by designating the foreign ministry as the only agency authorised to speak.

    The discipline sought to be enforced applied to BJP. The party as well as some Sangh Parivar-affiliated outfits were conspicuous by their silence during the stalemate, something remarkable given their prickly sensitivities and the torrent of provocative statements from China's official media.

    The PM did not waver even amid signs of discomfort in BJP circles and taunts from rivals and commentators for "pusillanimity".

    "Someone who didn't allow slights like visa denials to seek better diplomatic ties with the US, the UK and the European Union would not have allowed himself to be distracted by jeers," said a senior officer.

    Modi also did not let Doklam affect normal business with China. At least half a dozen ministers visited Beijing during the showdown, and with the clear instruction to focus on the possibilities of cooperation. The tenacity worked, resulting in what top-level sources called "extremely positive response" from Xi when the two leaders met in Xiamen.

    BJP has refrained from publicly celebrating the resolution of the crisis, but party members and officials, speaking privately, are all praise for the PM.

    "Who would have thought that a man who comes across as aggressive and whose eligibility was questioned because of his chaiwala background would use strategic restraint to achieve results," a member of the Cabinet Committee on Security said, speaking on the condition of anonymity.

    http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/...r&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Top_Headlines
     
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  5. InfoWarrior

    InfoWarrior Lieutenant FULL MEMBER

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    China may or may not have lost face, but India has gained in international stature.

    By Lt Gen H S Panag | Sep 12, 2017 comment
    [​IMG]


    [​IMG]


    China sees itself as Chung-Kuo - the Middle Kingdom, the centre of the universe and the world's oldest culture and society. Even when it was at its weakest in the 19th century, it never lost sight of this utopian ideal. To the south of Tibet, across the Himalayas rests another great civilisation - India - whose dormant great power ambitions have been given an impetus by the present government. A 'clash of civilisations' was inevitable. At stake is the balance of power in South Asia. This, in my view, is the cause of the renewed friction on the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and once again proves the principle that nations, in general, and neighbouring nations, in particular, remain in a state of perpetual competitive conflict primarily to assert political and economic hegemony.

    India is the only country in the region that does not accept the political, economic and military hegemony of China. India directly threatens two Chinese vulnerabilities - Tibet and the strategic sea lanes of communications (SLOC) through the Indian Ocean. China perceives India as the principal instigator of the Tibetan struggle for freedom. The Tibetan government in exile functions from Dharamsala and the Dalai Lama remains the driving force for Tibetan dissent. Not only does the rapidly increasing qualitative and quantitative improvement of the Indian Navy threaten the SLOC, India's opposition to the alternate - 'one belt one road' initiative through Pakistan and Myanmar - adds insult to injury. India's strategic partnership with the USA and its expanding diplomatic/military relationship with Japan, Australia and Vietnam are also perceived as a direct threat.

    The Doklam incident, as also other border incidents in the past, has nothing to do with the territorial disputes per se. Nations with credible conventional and nuclear deterrent, cannot be forced to part with territory under their control or forced to allow a tactical vulnerability to be created through a neutral territory, whatever be the nature of the dispute. China is well aware of this but selectively starts such confrontations to make 'political statements' and keep India on the edge. Such incidents always take place to coincide with major diplomatic events or as a response to perceived Indian actions that are contrary to Chinese world or regional view.

    The Doklam crisis was notable for the neutral venue, extremely belligerent Chinese stand, India's firm diplomatic and military response, and being anticlimactically defused though not resolved with both sides claiming victory. A host of issues have come to the fore and deserve a detailed analysis.

    The Chinese politico military aims

    The last two major Chinese intrusions preceding Doklam had taken place in 2013 at Depsang and in 2014 at Chumur. In Sub Sector North, where Depsang is located, India had built two new roads and the Daulet Beg Oldi airfield had been reactivated. This gave India a new launchpad for operations into Aksai Chin, the other being via Kongka La. In Chumur, India had built a road and deployed troops to deny a launch pad to China. Thus, both places had strategic/tactical significance from the military point of view. Both incidents were also linked to the high profile visits of Premier Li Keqiang in 2013 and President Xi Jinping in 2014. One view is that China was conveying a political point to highlight its superiority while simultaneously engaging in diplomacy. The other less accepted view is that it was the rogue People’s Liberation Army (PLA) trying to embarrass the communist hierarchy and led to President Xi to take measures to assert the supremacy of the Communist Party of China.

    Apart from the ongoing competitive conflict, the immediate political reasons for Doklam could be India's and Bhutan's opposition to the Belt and Road Initiative ( BRI ); the Dalai Lama's high profile visit to Arunachal Pradesh; driving a wedge in Indo-Bhutan relations to test India's resolve to defend its ally; forcing Bhutan to trade off the two western areas of dispute ie Doklam and Sinchulumpa-Giu-Darmana, 20 km to the north of Doklam, with the two northern areas of dispute ie Pasamlung and Jakarlung; and to secure the strategic area of Doklam to compromise Indian defences in Sikkim and threaten the Siliguri corridor.

    Militarily, the selection of Doklam was double-edged. I had discussed in detail the strategic and tactical military significance of the Chumbi Valley and Doklam in my earlier column. In both these areas, the Indian Army has overwhelming strategic and tactical advantage.

    If the Chumbi Valley/Doklam Plateau imposed severe terrain disadvantages on the PLA, then why select this area for precipitating a crisis? The possible explanation is that as per the Chinese assessment since the dispute was between Bhutan and China, India was unlikely to get involved. The Chinese were attempting to exploit the Bhutanese sentiments wherein they had been keen to exchange the western areas of dispute with the northern areas of dispute. However, keeping in view the strategic interests of India, they did not do so. Hence, it was a risk worth taking. China alleges that India was informed about the proposed road building (neither confirmed nor denied by India). Lack of Indian response may have lulled China into complacency.

    Some analysts have once again suggested that Doklam too was a rogue action by the PLA. To the contrary, the belligerence of the Chinese foreign and defence ministries, and the state-controlled media seems to suggest that the government and the PLA were on the same page. However, the fact that no sooner Xi fired the Chief of Joint Staff Department, General Fang Fenghui, then a deal with India was clinched. This suggested that the top most General was resisting ending the standoff.

    It has also been suggested that Doklam was probably a low-end tactical action aimed at strengthening the border infrastructure that got precipitated into a bigger conflagration. I do not buy this argument as had it been so, then the matter would have been settled very early based on border management agreements.

    The Doklam incident had all the four ingredients of now time-tested Chinese strategy for competitive conflict and border disputes. Firstly, develop a larger or more permanent physical presence in disputed areas using its military power where necessary. Secondly, resort to coercive diplomacy complete with military threats and actions to persuade the relatively weaker target state to acquiesce and putting the onus on it to risk confrontation. Compel the weaker state to negotiate, using its advantageous position to secure favourable settlement. Thirdly, using legal rhetoric and principles to present its position as legitimate and lawful, thereby staking a claim to a broader legitimising principle in territorial disputes. Fourthly, resort to information warfare through its government organs and to highlight its narrative and issue threats. This is replete with nuances about adversaries underestimating the Chinese resolve to protect its sovereignty just because it has exercised restraint so far.

    The Indian politico military aims

    Given the experience of embarrassing standoffs over the years, the Indian government came to the conclusion that the Chinese bluff had to be called. At Chumur in 2014, the Indian response was militarily and diplomatically aggressive forcing status quo ante. The government had decided that in future border incidents triggered by China, must be confronted diplomatically and militarily even at the risk of escalation to a possible use of force. This is exactly what India did. India's credibility as an emerging power was at stake, the world was watching and so were India's neighbours. India had to stand by its ally, Bhutan, and protect its strategic and tactical interests in Doklam and the Sikkim sector.

    This was a critical moment in Sino-Indian relationship. Any sign of weakness would have had serious repercussions for the entire border question. Today, it was Doklam and tomorrow, it would be somewhere else. Acceptance of Chinese position in Doklam would have led to unacceptable 'loss of face' domestically and internationally.

    China understands only one language and that is the language of strength. Our own experience of the 1967 confrontation in Sikkim and the Sumdrong Chu incident in 1986-87 had proved this point. India decided to not back down unless it was a mutual withdrawal to restore status quo ante pre-June 2017 and upholding of the 2012 agreement with respect to Trijunction points, and the Sino-Bhutanese agreements of 1988 and 1998, to maintain status quo with respect to border disputes pending a final settlement.

    India and Bhutan let China and the world know their legitimate stand based on past agreements. India continuously engaged the Chinese diplomatically. Prime Minister Modi met President Xi met on the sidelines of the Hamburg G20 summit. NSA, Ajit Doval, met his counterpart and President Xi during the preparatory conference for the BRICS summit. Diplomats in Delhi and Beijing were in constant dialogue. Simultaneously, India militarily positioned its forces for a possible confrontation. India maintained a cool and calculating front which was in sharp contrast to the crude and belligerent stance of China. A difference the world noted.

    Chinese military strategy

    Actual details of military movements and precautions are not in public domain. However, a reasonable assessment can be made based on available information. Despite its belligerent stand, China did not carry out any large-scale mobilisation. There were some indications of an increase in troop strength at Yatung and Phari Dzong in the Chumbi Valley. Military demonstrations by the Rapid Action Forces were carried out in the hinterland.

    Did it mean that Chinese military threat was not credible?

    In my view given the past experience, China assessed that India was a status quo power and will not initiate any military action beyond what was happening locally in Doklam. Hence, in case its coercive diplomatic and military strategy failed to force a favourable outcome, it did have a Plan B for use of force. The PLA had adopted and adapted to the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) for the last three decades particularly in the field of Cyber Warfare and Precision Guided Munition (PGM) technology. It is now only second to the USA in high-end military technology. There is a marked asymmetry between China and India with respect to these capabilities and overall military capability. This asymmetry is growing at a rapid rate. The Chinese decided not to get involved in "close infantry combat" over unfavourable terrain. It is likely that its strategy was based on technological warfare with overwhelming use of PGMs and Cyber Warfare. It would have restricted its initial offensive to the Indian troops in the Doklam Plateau and the Sikkim Sector but would have been prepared for escalation to other sectors.

    Such an attack would have been carried out in winter when conventional ground operations get severely restricted. However, the PLA probably carried out minimal mobilisation to cater for the unlikely tactical offensive by India in the winter. A large scale PGM attack would have been launched on our troops at Doklam and Doka La using cruise missiles and artillery after pulling out its own troops to safety. Simultaneously, a massive cyber attack would also have been launched to neutralise our command and control systems and our fire power means. The strike would have been declaratory with the limited aim of evicting us from Doklam. Depending upon our strategic and operational response, the PLA would have escalated with similar attacks on more defensive positions in Sikkim and other sectors. Given its rapid mobilisation capabilities due to excellent infrastructure, it would have catered for a possible Indian counter offensive next summer.

    Indian Military Strategy

    How did India respond? Noting that the PLA had not mobilised, it is likely that India correctly assessed its intentions. A high technology attack as given above is defeated by hardened defences, deception, dispersion, kinetic /electronic shield, similar counter-strikes and, above all, by preempting the enemy with an offensive.

    While I am not privy to the actual military plans, it is my assessment that despite the limitations of the prevailing asymmetry, we adopted an operational strategy encompassing all or most of these aspects. The armed forces were mobilised under the deception cover of annual "operation alert" and offensive formations were postured to pre-emptively threaten Sinche La (the PLA entry point into the Doklam Plateau) at the tactical level and threaten Yatung and Phari Dzong in the Chumbi Valley from the west and the east at the strategic level. A similar operational strategy was put in place for Ladakh to preemptively threaten to seize the Kailash Range and areas across the Pangong Tso. At the lower level since our formations were deployed, the plan was simple - all along the front capture the next ridge line! The IAF and the IN were on high alert and prepared for a limited war. Our conventional cruise missiles and other strategic assets were moved to battle locations. At the strategic level, diplomatically and militarily India acted like a mature emerging power and did a classic Sun Tzu, who said, that the acme of skill is to win without fighting!

    Has the crisis been resolved?

    The standoff came to an anticlimactic end on August 28. Diplomacy prevailed. Prime Minister Modi met President Xi after the BRICS summit. Both agreed to put Doklam behind and move forward.

    Ambiguity remains with respect to the actual agreement reached between India and China with respect to Doklam. The statements emanating from Delhi and Beijing are shrouded in diplomatic language allowing both sides to claim victory. Indian statements focused on "simultaneous disengagement". The Chinese spoke of Indian troops "withdrawing first" and their troops having made "adjustments". The Chinese emphasised they would continue to "maintain their sovereignty" over the area and in doing so carry out necessary military activities.

    My take is that the crisis has been defused but not resolved. The troops of both sides have disengaged from eyeball contact and moved back some distance but still remain in the area. Situation still remains tense. Indian formations are still deployed for "operational alert". In case, the situation precipitates in any manner both sides can still exercise the options given by me.

    Prognosis

    Two points must be made. Firstly, the PLA is unlikely to resume road construction. This was the reason for India's intervention. Secondly, since complete withdrawal has not taken place, the PLA may resort to a permanent presence in the area. The onset of winter will settle the issue. If the PLA does not create permanent infrastructure and withdraws its troops, then status quo ante pre-June 16 would be restored. If it does not, then Doklam will remain an area for future confrontations.

    China may or may not have lost face, but India has gained in international stature. Doklam will be the new normal in LAC intrusions/confrontations. The border management and demarcation talks will be more meaningful and may lead to LAC demarcation.

    I hope India seizes the Doklam opportunity to initiate comprehensive reforms with respect to national security, armed forces and border infrastructure to bridge the rapidly increasing asymmetry in military capability.
    https://www.newslaundry.com/2017/09/12/doklam-crisis-a-post-mortem
     
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  6. Satendra kumar

    Satendra kumar FULL MEMBER

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    Dolkla Tri junction between India,Bhutan and China the border standoff between these countries,the disputed territories,LAC,International borders,which are patrolled by all three armed forces,it's time the Chinese realise that diplomatic dialogue is the best option,through peaceful resolution,border standoff will be materialise.differences will be corrected,presumably international line of control within framework of United Nations international border protocols,these laws are fully respected and obliged.These makes senses to fully implement UN International border Laws to avert any conflict in the Doklam plateau.
     
  7. Hellfire

    Hellfire Devil's Advocate Staff Member MODERATOR

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    @Agent_47

    The good general has said something that I had mentioned in brief the other day.
     
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  8. sangos

    sangos Lt. Colonel ELITE MEMBER

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    I have to admit the 'Doklam war' will be missed:devil:
     
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  9. lca-fan

    lca-fan Major SENIOR MEMBER

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    China not prepared enough to handle a cultural giant like India as neighbour, says Shyam Saran
    IndiaAprameya RaoSep, 22 2017 06:48:27 IST
    Tweet
    Only a handful of Indian diplomats have had the experience of understanding China like former foreign secretary Shyam Saran did.

    During an interactive session hosted by The Indian Express, the 1970-batch IFS officer, who served in China on various occasions, spoke on the intricacies of the bilateral relations between the two neighbours and the way forward for the two Asian giants especially after the recent Doka La standoff.

    Doka La crisis unprecedented for China

    While breaking down the Doka La crisis, which has dominated the news cycles in India for over two months, Saran said that standoff precipitated due to China's disbelief that India could stand its ground and come to Bhutan's rescue.

    "China were caught unprepared to confront India. Beijing never thought that Indian troops would enter a third country (Bhutan) and defend the disputed territory. When the plan did not go as per the script, then the Chinese indulged in vitriol to deter India from emboldening itself," Saran said.

    With China's state-sponsored media continuing to toe to a belligerent line, the Indian media feared an imminent border skirmish akin to the 1967 Cho La incident.

    However, better sense prevailed and the standoff ended on 28 August after India and China agreed to withdraw their troops to their respective sides of the border. Saran called this a "significant success" for diplomacy but also speculated on other reasons for the ceasing of hostilities at the tri-junction.

    "Of course, diplomacy played a major role in diffusing the situation. But one cannot deny there may have been other factors too. BRICS Summit was supposed to take place in Xiamen and the Chinese would not have wanted it to be impacted. Another was an internal factor. The Communist Party of China's will be holding its congress in October, which is crucial for Xi Jinping, who is hopeful for a second term as general secretary," Saran said.

    [​IMG]
    Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese president Xi Jinping at the BRICS Summit at Xiamen. PTI

    Bhutan: an unsolved puzzle for China

    While Doka La is essentially a bilateral issue between China and Bhutan, Thimpu enjoys protectorate-like status vis-a-vis New Delhi. As per the 1949 friendship treaty, Bhutan's foreign and defence interests are taken care off by New Delhi.

    This is a major problem for a resurgent China, which is looking to build strong trade and security ties with all South Asian countries. "China considers it to be quite abnormal that Bhutan does not have any diplomatic relations with it," said Saran.

    However, the lack of diplomatic ties did not deter Thimpu from dealing with Beijing over the border issue. According to the ex-diplomat, Bhutan and China engaged in 24 rounds of talks in at least 20 years.

    Saran claimed that China had also offered to give up on some territories in northern Bhutan for the Doka La plateau. "But as the talks were inconclusive, the standoff could have been China's ploy to nudge Bhutan to either accept the offer or face military action," he said.

    Lauding India's foreign policy establishment for not losing sight of its objectives while bringing the Chinese to the negotiation table, Saran said, "As a major power, India dealt with the issue with maturity. Both nations had only one limited objective and that was to enforce the status quo. Both India and Bhutan succeeded in it."

    China's action at Doka La partly historical, partly ambitious

    Quoting extensively from his latest historical cum personal memoir How India sees the world: From Kautilya to the 21st Century, Saran said that in order to understand China and its geopolitical action, one needed to look back at its ancient history.

    "China always thought itself as a centre of civilisation. It has been an insular nation-state and not very good at dealing with the world. This is the reason for frequent misunderstanding it has with its 18 neighbours," Saran said, adding, "With rapid economic growth, China wants to recapture its predominant position in Asia. For much of its history, the Chinese empire was surrounded by smaller and weaker tributary states. With China becoming world's second-largest economy, it wants to signal that this old political order is the natural one."

    The recent standoff with Bhutan may be a manifestation of China's ancient belief of being a superior power, but the geopolitical dynamics have changed, Saran said. China never shared a border with India, but after the 1951 annexation of Tibet, both became neighbours. For the first time ever, China had to face an unimaginable prospect of neighbouring another cultural giant. On its western frontier too, China had to face the humiliation of witnessing an erstwhile tributary (Japan) becoming a global economic power.

    Saran, now a senior fellow at Centre for Policy Research, argued that a rising China would like to play a larger role in the world. "A country whose security and economic capabilities are growing, China would naturally like to have a greater say in regional as well as international affairs," Saran said.

    However, he urged India and several South East Asian countries to counterbalance China, which has been attempting a "unilateral assertion of power" like in the case of Doka La and the South China Sea dispute.

    [​IMG]
    File image of Shyam Saran. Saran served as the foreign secretary between 2004 and 2006. Reuters

    India-China relations: The way ahead

    Despite Doka La and a series of border incursions in the past, Saran was hopeful that such incidents would not derail the growing relationship between the two countries. Arguing for cooperation between India and China at global platforms, Saran said, "Both countries must come together to achieve to change some international regimes and also shape some new ones. For example, the climate change. If China and India work together they might be able to get a better climate change regime than if they work separately."

    Trade ties between India and China have boomed in the last decade. However, China has had an upper hand in the bilateral trade as India's imports is five times greater than its exports to the country. While the trade deficit which stands at $51.9 billion (2016-17) is a cause of concern, one cannot ignore the fact that India is a humongous market for Chinese companies.

    "The record over the last several years has been the remarkable ability of two countries of keep border skirmishes at backburner and focus on the economic opportunities that both countries provide. India and China need to expand the economic and commercial relationship, which over the period of time may help manage political problems too," Saran said urging increased economic ties between the two Asian giants.

    However, despite booming trade ties, there are two major issues that remain unsolved: The growing bonhomie between Pakistan and China, and the border dispute at the eastern and western sector.

    Pakistan, a key player in the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), has always remained a low-cost proxy for China to trouble India, felt Saran. "What China cannot do with India directly, it would do it through Pakistan," he said. However, the former foreign secretary added that the relationship has matured over a period of time and is now more strategic in nature than in the past. Pakistan's security is in the long-term interests of China, claimed Saran.

    "Till 1958, China was ready to live with MacMahon Line as the border. Till 1985, it was a package proposal for India: You keep what you have in the east (Arunachal) and we will keep what we have in the west (Aksai Chin). We rejected it. From that year onwards, the goalpost shifted to the eastern sector, as China asked for 'meaningful concessions' there. For India, it would be unacceptable to give up substantial territories in the east. The question now is whether what is acceptable to Indian political establishment is also acceptable to China's communist regime. At the moment, I don't see any convergence on the issue between the two countries," Saran told Firstpost on the sidelines of the event.

    While not very optimistic of a solution to India's territorial dispute with China in the near future, Saran said that an amicable resolution can take place only on mutually agreeable terms.

    http://www.firstpost.com/india/chin...ia-as-neighbour-says-shyam-saran-4065865.html
     
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  10. sangos

    sangos Lt. Colonel ELITE MEMBER

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    'China used loudspeakers, tanks to bully India, Bhutan during Doklam standoff'
    The number of Chinese troops was 10 times more than what was reported earlier, a media report quoted the book as saying.

    New Delhi: China intimidated India and Bhutan by deploying a staggering 12,000 troops, 150 tanks and artillery during the Doklam standoff, a new book has claimed.

    The book, "Securing India The Modi Way: Pathankot, Surgical Strikes and More", written by defence analyst Nitin Gokhale, contains quotes from National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, military chiefs and other senior Indian officials.



    [​IMG]


    The number of Chinese troops was 10 times more than what was earlier reported, a media report quoted the book as saying. China had also used portable loudspeakers to intimidate India, the book, which also contains drone images of the area, claimed.

    China deployed its troops in the Chumbi Valley close to the Indian border in Sikkim during the standoff, the book said, adding the Indian Army did not move its troops close to the border as they were not far away.

    The book also claimed Chinese soldiers forcibly jostled their Bhutanese counterparts and "escorted" them to their posts after threatening them.

    The Bhutanese troops later informed the Indian Army that China had warned the Royal Bhutan Army (RBA) to not interfere with the road construction they were about to undertake, after which the Indian Army decided to increase vigil.

    The book gives a step-by-step account of the how the conflict escalated between China and India, which included Indian troops delivering a message through a loud-hailer from Doka La to stop construction.

    The dispute erupted after India objected to the Chinese building a road through the mountainous area.

    Small incursions and troop stand-offs are common along with other parts of the contested 3,500-km (2,175-mile) frontier, but the Doklam impasse was marked by its length and the failure of talks to resolve the dispute.

    However on August 28, India and China agreed to withdraw troops from the disputed trijunction, ending the 73-day stand-off.

    A chapter of the book would be released by Vice-President Venkaiah Naidu in Delhi on Friday.

    http://zeenews.india.com/india/chin...ng-doklam-standoff-says-new-book-2045401.html

     
    Last edited: Sep 25, 2017
  11. sangos

    sangos Lt. Colonel ELITE MEMBER

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  12. Hellfire

    Hellfire Devil's Advocate Staff Member MODERATOR

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    Above dated 05 Sep 2017.


    Xi Jinping foiled coup by ex-Chinese political heavyweights: Official
    PTI | Updated: Oct 20, 2017, 18:40 IST

    BEIJING
    : Chinese President Xi Jinping has foiled a coup by former political heavyweights who were at the receiving end of his high-profile anti-graft campaign, a top Chinese official has revealed.

    Xi, who is set for a second five-year term as General Secretary of the ruling Communist Party of China (CPC), has saved the party by foiling a coup plot by his detractors, Liu Shiyu, chairman of the China Securities Regulatory Commission said.

    Liu made the stunning disclosure at a meeting on the sidelines of the going once-in-a-five-year congress of the CPC here, according to Hong Kong's South China Morning Post.

    Speaking at a panel on the sidelines of the 19th CPC Congress here yesterday, Li has accused a string of disgraced cadres of plotting to seize the reins of power, it reported today.

    Among those named was the former party boss of megacity Chongqing, Sun Zhengcai, once a front-runner for a place in the inner circle - the Politburo Standing Committee, who along with his wife were summarily removed by Xi. Both were taken away for disciplinary investigations.

    Sun's fall from grace in July reminded many of the dramatic downfall of one of his predecessors in both Chongqing Bo Xilai, five years ago, ahead of the previous party congress.

    Bo who once regarded as rival to Xi five years ago is currently in prison, serving a life sentence.

    Rumours have been gripping Beijing over likely fallout of Xi's massive anti-corruption campaign against "tigers and flies" in which former security czar, Zhou Yongkang, Bo and host of top generals have been put to trials. This is the first time an official disclosed it.

    Considering the threats faced by him, Xi, 64, has been provided with the highest personal security.

    Like Bo, Zhou too is serving life term in jail after accepting a host of charges against him.

    "[Xi] addressed the cases of Bo Xilai, Zhou Yongkang, Ling Jihua, Xu Caihou, Guo Boxiong and Sun Zhengcai. They had high positions and great power in the party, but they were hugely corrupt and plotted to usurp the party's leadership and seize state power," Liu said, becoming the first senior official to accuse Sun of trying to takeover the party.

    A report by state-run Xinhua news agency said late last month that Sun had been expelled from the party and handed over to judicial authorities for further investigation. The announcement came two months after his downfall but no details of the investigation were released.

    Liu said Xi had taken great effort over the past five years to tackle corruption, which "seriously endangered the party's ruling foundation and ability to govern", the Post report said.

    "Xi Jinping, with the historical responsibility as a proletarian revolutionist ... cleared up huge risks for the party and the country," he said.

    Xi himself devoted considerable part of the his three- and-half-hour address to the congress at its inaugural meeting on October 18, pledging to root out corruption from all levels in the party.

    Observers say that the massive anti-corruption campaign in which over a million officials have been punished has also enabled Xi to consolidate his hold on the power emerging as the most powerful Chinese leader heading the party, Presidency and the military.

    "The central leadership of the party with General Secretary Xi Jinping as the core saved the party, saved the military and saved the country over the past five years ... He saved socialism," Liu said.

    Wang Qishan, the country's top graft-buster and the man widely seen as the country's second most powerful man, reportedly told China's top political advisory body late last year that some cadres had tried to take over the party, the Post report said.

    "More seriously, some even sought to ... seize party and state power, engaging in activities to split the party, and seriously threatening the nation's political stability," the CPC's mouthpiece, the People's Daily quoted Wang as saying.

    Wang also said the central authorities managed to punish Zhou, Bo and other leaders so as to eradicate a number of conspirators and ambitious schemers within the party, the report said.

    Yesterday Yang Xiaodu, deputy secretary of Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the CPC which carried out the crackdown told the media that about 440 senior officials of the CPC including 43 top officials party at centre were investigated in the sweeping anti-corruption carried out by Xi in the last five years.
    A total of 278,000 grassroots Party members and officials were also punished, he said.
    China is working with the international community to hunt corruption suspects who had fled overseas, leading to the capture of 3,453 fugitives, Yang said.
    Among the top 100 fugitives listed on an Interpol red notice, 48 have been arrested, he said.

    https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com...avy-weights-official/articleshow/61154960.cms


    @Shekhar Singh

    The quoted portion was written by me .. not sourced ... on 05 Sept 2017 clearly highlighting a struggle for dominance within the CCP. And this is dated 20 Oct 2017.

    You see, I may not know everything, but such instances allow me the leeway of knowing more than the average person in my field :)

    @nair This was what I was referring to in our conversation.
     
  13. sangos

    sangos Lt. Colonel ELITE MEMBER

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    Thats why China spends more for a reason on 'internal policing' than the actual military.
     
    Hellfire likes this.
  14. Sancho

    Sancho Lt. Colonel Technical Analyst

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    Full article and images:
    https://theprint.in/2017/10/26/exclusive-doklam-satellite-imagery-chinese-troops/
     
  15. lca-fan

    lca-fan Major SENIOR MEMBER

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    Chinese troops have started withdrawal from Doklam standoff site: SourcesSunday, October 29, 2017 By: India Today Source Link: CLICK HERE



    [​IMG]



    Chinese troops have started withdrawal from the Doklam standoff site even though the process is slow, top Army sources said.
    "There is no need to worry for the Doklam area as the Chinese troops have started thinning down and tensions have also subsided. The troops had also exchanged sweets on Diwali," top Army sources said.

    Sources added, "There has been a thinning of Chinese troops in the Doklam area. Many of them had come down for exercises and now, very clearly, some are going back. First, there are fewer tents in the area and also, fewer troops moving around. Of course, there are still a considerable number of PLA troops in the general area with heavy weapons like tanks and artillery, but the process of troop-reduction appears to have begun. This is clear from the latest satellite imagery."

    Government sources refute any talk of the Chinese reinforcing their positions in recent times. The troops that were there are apart from the numbers being pulled out.

    As for the Indian Army, the operation alert issued during the crisis is being lifted and deduction from the India side has started in the Ladakh mountains as troops have started coming back. About two brigades had been moved to Ladakh from the plains.

    They are being moved back. A similar thinning out is being planned for the Sikkim area, much closer to Doklam, which is on the China-Bhutan border. It is easier to do that in Sikkim in comparison with Ladakh as there are roads almost right up to the front.
    One reason for the de-escalation is the weather. There is already light snow on the ground and the prospect of a confrontation has come down in the wake of diplomatic negotiations.

    As part of the lessons of Doklam, the Army and Indian Air Force are pushing for more airfields in the east Ladakh area. If there are more airstrips apart from the Leh field that is also used by civilian aircraft, it will be easier to supply more troops on the ground as opposed to give them fuel, ammunition and food from the air. Several spots have already been identified including Nyoma and BDO. If the airfields are there, troops can even be moved there quickly if there is a need.
    http://www.defencenews.in/article/C...awal-from-Doklam-standoff-site-Sources-444182
     

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