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Pakistan Timeline: News, Discussions & Opinions

Discussion in 'South Asia & SAARC' started by tariqkhan18, Apr 14, 2010.

  1. The Lockean

    The Lockean 2nd Lieutant FULL MEMBER

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    We, the evil
    CYRIL ALMEIDA

    IN that pause — between the killing and the coverage and the condemnation — we learned something. The stomach churns and the heart sinks to say it.

    It will happen again.

    Because in that silence, of the media, the government and the state, we learned that society, on this issue and in this area, is stronger than the state.

    The only thing we don’t know and the thing we must fear is that the next time may come quicker; that instead of years, it may be months or weeks.

    Because this time it was different. It happened for a different reason and in a different world.

    The only thing we don’t know and the thing we must fear is that the next time may come quicker; that instead of years, it may be months or weeks.
    The different reason: the state fomented this violence. Usually, it’s a bunch of fanatics armed with maybe an economic motive against a poor fool caught in the wrong place at the wrong time.

    Sudden but targeted, it wouldn’t have the bush-fire potential to spread or be emulated. But this time the state itself has said, there are blasphemers hiding among you, the people; find them!

    So now the people are finding them.

    And it has happened in a different world. A world of online and social media and smartphones and viral videos.

    Before the muted media coverage or the belated political condemnation, the videos were already ricocheting around the country.

    A few short years ago, it may have been a few grainy videos. Now, they are in HD and at every step and from every angle.

    That’s a problem.

    Because while the videos will have caused many to recoil, the visuals and the audio will have made others rejoice.

    Turn up the volume and hear the howls and screams. This wasn’t ignorance or the lack of knowledge; it was total belief and piety.

    They weren’t screaming for blood; they were chanting the name of God.

    The videos are an advertisement and an admonition: this is what we will do, this is what you need to do and this is what must be done.

    Like snuff films for the masses, it took minutes and hours for the videos to spread; it’s taken days for the state to respond — a gap that may as well have been an eternity because of the effectiveness of the former and the flaccidness of the latter.

    And in the state’s claim that no crime was committed by the victim lies a denial of reality — it doesn’t matter to the murderous that an innocent life was taken.

    An innocent life is a price worth paying to defend the higher cause — that no one in no way and at no time may ever even think of doing what the dead man was accused of doing.

    If it takes the life of an innocent to reinforce that important message, so be it. It’s pointless of the state to insist he was innocent.

    And it is a different world for a second reason: Mumtaz Qadri.

    The shrine that has risen atop his grave is the new Lal Masjid. A dangerous, violent and open provocation, in just over a year it has achieved iconic status on the fringes.

    To pray at his graveside and spread flowers on his grave is to pledge allegiance to what the executed convict has come to stand for.

    Don’t be surprised if it is revealed that several from the Mardan mob have been to the shrine. Don’t be surprised if the next killer or killers will have done the same.

    Qadri as a symbol is doubly dangerous because, like in Mardan, the guilt or innocence of the victim doesn’t matter.

    The Taseer assassination moved the goalposts: killed not for the crime, but for questioning the law. The Mardan mob has moved them further: kill the suspect, even if innocent, as a warning to all.

    The Qadri shrine sanctions both. Instead of being erased from history or remembered for being punished by the state, he is being written into folklore as the vanguard of a new movement.

    It must end.

    But it won’t. Because the state blinked and has shown its hand. The delayed condemnations are irrelevant; what was needed was a full-throated and immediate defence of the good and the right and the true.

    Why did they blink though?

    They do it every time, whoever’s in power. In private, the rationale offered is mostly the same: religious passions are easily inflamed, wildly unpredictable and wholly dangerous.

    If already inflamed, give them a controlled outlet. Burning a building or two, holding a fiery protest or three, tends to dissipate passions.

    And when already inflamed, don’t do anything to worsen it and never do anything that could cause them to turn on you.

    So you can see why they keep quiet when the fire has just been lit and is freshly raging. What if there is even a sliver of plausibility for the violent lot in the accusation of the mob?

    You don’t know want to be the guy who spoke up too quickly for someone accused of you-know-what.

    It is, of course, cowardice and a dereliction of duty. But perhaps understandable in the context of a terrified few in the face of the enraged many.

    But there is another side. What if, just maybe, the state and the government, or elements within them, are aligned with the savage public on this issue?

    Look up the history of the transition to a mandatory death penalty for the crime. Look up the Criminal Law (Third Amendment) Bill, 1991. Remember who was in power then. Look up what they said at the time.

    Look around and see where they are now.

    Happy Easter.

    https://www.dawn.com/news/1327277/we-the-evil
     
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  2. The Lockean

    The Lockean 2nd Lieutant FULL MEMBER

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    COVER STORY: Jamiat’s Stranglehold
    IRFAN ASLAMUPDATED APR 10, 2017 05:19PM

    [​IMG]


    The contradiction could not have been starker: if the urbane, sophisticated side of the Islami Jamiat-i-Talaba is represented by former stalwarts such as Hafiz Salman Butt or Javed Hashmi, its violent, uncouth ways are manifested in the ugly events that transpired on March 21, 2017.

    On the day, two days before Pakistan Day, Pakhtun and Baloch students of the Punjab University (PU) were celebrating Pakhtun Cultural Day on the new campus of the university under the auspices of the Pakhtun Students Union (PSU). Pashto songs were being played and male Pakhtun students, donning their traditional dress, were doing the Attan dance. No women were dancing, however, as they watched the Attan from the sidelines.

    Out of nowhere, club-wielding activists from the IJT suddenly appeared at the event and started uprooting the tents erected and throwing chairs around. Pakhtun students started running helter-skelter as the attackers chased them out of the venue. After some time, they regrouped and retaliated, forcing the attackers to run away. Till then, the lawns around the venue of the event had turned into a battlefield with both parties pelting stones at each other.

    The clash left at least 10 students injured; Asfand Khan, vice chairman of the PSU, claims that 21 of their fellows, including 17 boys and four girls, were injured in the clash. “Fourteen of the injured students remained hospitalized for days. Some of them who had fractures or head injuries have not yet fully recovered.”

    Despite a ban on student unions, the Islami Jamiat-i-Talaba have thrived on Punjab’s campuses. Why? And is their politics hurting the Jamaat-i-Islami?
    The PSU’s retaliation to IJT’s antics elevates it into a unique position: it is perhaps the only student organisation in Punjab that has stood up to the might of the Jamiat in PU in the recent past. Even Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) chief Imran Khan was manhandled in 2007 in the throes of the lawyers’ movement when he had attempted to enter the university to help build an anti-government student’s resistance. The IJT not only roughed up the PTI chief but also handed him over to the police, who Imran Khan was evading at the time.

    “This is not the first time that the IJT had attacked us,” claims Asfand Khan. “On February 9, some Pakhtun students were busy in group study. But just because there were girls in the group, the IJT boys tortured the Pakhtun boys.”

    Matters went to a boil the next day as the IJT again beat up 12 Pakhtun students. This led to a clash between both groups outside Hostel No 1 of the university. “IJT members called up these Pakhtun boys’ homes and issued death threats to their parents,” alleges Asfand. “An inquiry was launched into the incident by the PU administration but no details of the investigation were ever revealed.”

    The IJT, according to PSU officials, cadres, and members of other student groups, is a sacred cow that is left untouched by the administration. “Even right now, there is an element of fear among Pakhtun students,” narrates Asfand. “What’s worse is that neither the police nor the PU administration took any action against those behind the March 21 attack. The main culprits were identified but they move around on their motorcycles with impunity. The administration asks only us to remain restrained.”

    This theory is given credence by a rally organised inside the university by the IJT on March 31 after Friday prayers to show its power. Although some PU teachers deny reports and claim that the rally never took place, Asfand says that letting the IJT stage the rally and then not owning up to it points at the lenient approach of the administration towards the Jamiat.

    “Most PU students — both women and men — hail from rural areas. Many of them have a repressed upbringing and no say in the family. When such students are provided with a support system and given importance by the IJT, they get megalomaniac and get involved in excesses, especially when the administration and teachers also feel helpless before them.”
    In the aftermath of the March 21 violence, PU banned all students organisation rather than just the ones causing trouble. In other words, both the victim and the attacker roles in the violence were painted in the same light.

    What gives the IJT such power on campuses?


    GENESIS AND GROWTH


    [​IMG]

    Pakhtun students raise slogans soon after the IJT attack on their event | Photos by Murtaza Ali/White Star



    In his book Vanguard of Islamic Revolution: Jamaat-i-Islami of Pakistan, Iranian-American scholar Vali Nasr traces the origin of the IJT to December 23, 1947 in Lahore when 25 students, most of them sons of Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) leaders, officially formed the IJT. Its first meeting was held later the same year and was addressed by JI chief Maulana Abul A’la Maududi. Although IJT cells were formed in other cities of Punjab, the organisation was headquartered in Karachi.

    The IJT was conceived as a missionary (daw’ah) movement. “Its utility lay in the influence it could have on the education of future leaders of Pakistan which would help Mawdudi’s ‘revolution from above’,” argues Nasr in his book. But the IJT got involved in politics more than religious training — this was an attempt to counter the rising influence of the left-wing Democratic Students Federation (DSF) and National Students Federation (NSF), both of whom were associated with mainstream progressive politics.

    A battle of ideologies often spilled over to the street, violently in certain cases, as in 1952 and 1953 when Jamiat clashed with DSF and NSF. It was in the same era that the JI shifted the centre of IJT to Lahore, with the idea being that its proximity with the party leadership could allow it to be controlled more effectively.

    The IJT remained active at campus level and on the streets, be it for the anti-Ahmadiyya protests and violence in the 1950s or the enforcement of sharia law campaign in 1975. Its role was also crucial to the politics of the Pakistan’ National Alliance (PNA) — a coalition of nine parties that was formed against Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, as well as the General Ziaul Haq-supported Nizam-i-Mustafa Movement in 1977. Nasr points out that the IJT was also involved in violence that led to the fall of Dhaka in 1971 as its Nazim-i-Aala, Matiur Rahman Nizami, had formed the al-Badr and al-Shams militias at the Dhaka University to spread terror among Bengali citizens. It is no surprise that when Bangladeshi courts sentenced JI-Bangladesh’s leaders to death for their war crimes, Jamiat and JI activists in Pakistan took to the street in protest.

    From 1977 till 1984, the IJT was patronised and promoted by the Zia regime which wanted to counter the pro-Bhutto Peoples Student Federation (PSF). General Zia’s slogan of Islamisation was best suited to the JI whose main force among the youth was the IJT. Teachers at the University of Karachi (KU) allege that the culture of guns on campus was introduced by the IJT during this time. This state of affairs continued until General Zia discarded the JI as an ally since he had no more use for them. Before the divorce, however, the IJT was ruling over at least 20 universities across the country including PU.


    EMPOWERING THE DISEMPOWERED?

    [​IMG]
    Chairs torched during the fracas on March 21, 2017


    Despite its antics, the IJT is undoubtedly a force that draws great support from towns and villages across Punjab. Part of the reason is its name: the ‘Islami’ creates a facade of it being the most pious or religious — a factor that holds great significance to the many entering the university from conservative backgrounds.

    “Most PU students — both women and men — hail from rural areas,” explains Dr Rana Ejaz, assistant professor at the PU Department of Political Science. “Many of them have a repressed upbringing and no say in the family. When such students are provided with a support system and given importance by the IJT, they get megalomaniac and get involved in excesses, especially when the administration and teachers also feel helpless before them.”

    “Common people do not differentiate between the JI and the IJT as they don’t know that these two are totally different organizations with different objectives,” argues JI spokesperson Qaisar Sharif. “Any nasty incident [involving the IJT] directly affects the JI and harms its vote bank too. The JI leadership is also aware of this.”
    This modus operandi helps the IJT achieve greater penetration on campus. According to Dr Ejaz, the disempowered are often handed important positions in the IJT, such as that of hostel nazims where they have total freedom and control over others.

    Students describe that as newcomers arrive to the university, IJT members often intercept them and take them to their camp to have them registered with Jamiat. Sometimes they are also coaxed to join by taking them on a round of the hostels. The benefits of them joining the IJT are portrayed to be manifold: power on campus and inside hostels, connections inside the administration and faculty, good grades, Islamic co-curricular activities, and even protection from other groups.

    In practice, however, male anxieties about powerlessness are exploited by the Jamiat to reinforce their vision of the world and recreate it on campus. The IJT’s politics on campus are not a far stretch from the everyday caste politics and violence in rural Punjab — only this time, the power lies with the disempowered men, irrespective of whether it comes through the barrel of a gun or the swing of a baton.

    Even in the aftermath of the March 21 violence, IJT accounts on social media claimed harassment of their women comrades. This evoked a certain kind of male anger — IJT protests emerged from various universities and colleges across the country in defence of their ‘sisters.’ As is their modus operandi, any repressed anger at the ‘system’ is allowed to be expressed through such events — sometimes with violent consequences.

    Dr Ejaz considers teachers responsible for the uncontrollable attitude of Jamiat members at the university as he argues that there is still some penetration of the student union in the faculty. “The list of Mansoorah-backed teachers had ended in 2014 but there are still teachers and even deans in the university who either have been or are still members of the JI. They have gotten promotions and lucrative posts at PU due to their proximity with JI leaders.”

    DEFENDERS OF PAKISTANIAT?

    In the recent past, the JI and IJT have both portrayed themselves as the vanguard of Pakistaniat — ironic, given the JI’s opposition to the creation of the state. Their vision of what it means to be Pakistani is, however, limited to their conception of Pakistan. In rejecting a certain kind of Pakistani as not Pakistani enough, the IJT not only exhibits its exclusivity but also undertones of racism in its politics.

    PSU’s Asfand Khan, for example, does not rule out the element of racism behind the whole episode played out on campus on March 21. The IJT narrative on social media in the aftermath of the violence castigated the Pakhtun students as ethno-nationalists, whose activities were not Pakistani enough for the IJT two days before Pakistan Day.

    “There was a Baloch event some days ago but members of the IJT members themselves participated in it and danced to the music too,” narrates Asfand. “They did not attack the Baloch students’ event but they attacked Pakhtun celebrations. This means that they have some [bias] against the Pakhtun race.”

    Rejecting allegations that Pakhtun students were targeted due to their ethnicity, IJT Nazim Osama Ijaz remains adamant that the Jamiat’s position is aligned with Pakistani nationalism. “The Baloch cultural day had been organised just a week ago, what was the need of another such cultural day on March 21?” he argues.

    To a question about whether the IJT had become active due to approaching general elections, he replied in the negative: “The IJT has got nothing to do with the politics of JI with whom it has only an ideological connection.”

    But Shafi Mengal, a history student and representative of Baloch students at the PU, agrees with Asfand. “They certainly did not have an issue with music and dance alone,” he remarks. Mengal himself has suffered from the excesses of IJT activists in his hostel. He considers the IJT as persistent troublemakers as its members disturb every cultural or sports activity happening on campus. If any man and woman are found sitting together, they tend to disturb private conversations and harass them into stopping.

    “There are around 700 boys and girls students from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan at the PU but none of them even moves around with the IJT,” claims Mengal. He says it’s wrong to call Pakhtun and Baloch students’ coming together as a ‘union’ as they only help out new students who are not familiar with Lahore or university life.

    “The university administration is using tactics to make us go on the back foot and reconcile with the IJT but my question is that what’s the purpose of the reconciliation?” Asfand rhetorically asks. “The university issued a notification of shifting all Pakhtun students to PU’s Gujranwala campus just to force us to shut our eyes to what the IJT is doing to us. They just want to sweep everything under the carpet.”

    MUJAHIDS OF THE IJT

    In a column titled Dawn of Dark Ages, Punjabi scholar Dr Manzur Ejaz describes the influence the IJT wielded at the PU in the 1970s when he was a teacher there. He writes about a clash between teachers supported by the IJT and those against it — this tussle broke out during Dr Ejaz’s campaign to get elected as the secretary-general of the university teachers association. His opponent, being backed by Jamiat, was none other than Mujahid Kamran, the vice-chancellor of the PU until recently.

    Dr Ejaz makes the claim in his column that about 70 teachers were made ‘permanent’ from ad hoc positions in those days. Most of these teachers were either aligned with JI or with the IJT. With faculty on their side in their numbers, it is no surprise that the IJT managed to exert as much influence as it did on campus.

    “One of my male students in the Criminology Department was beaten up for buying a burger for a woman classmate,” narrates a woman teacher in the PU Psychology Department. (The teacher relating the incident requested anonymity, indicating the fear of the Jamiat among non-IJT faculty.) “This student had already received warnings from the IJT against mingling with the young woman. After beating him up in public, the IJT goons took him to a hostel and tortured him some more. That episode left him altogether a different man, he never really recovered from it.”

    Policing morality is one of the key tasks assigned to IJT activists. It is an undertaking that is also generational since the IJT’s members are often adjusted inside the university after they graduate. “Since the JI is backing the IJT, those who join Jamiat as students don’t leave it when they join the teaching faculty,” argues the psychology professor.

    Jamiat of course follows JI ideology when it comes to cultural events on campus. “Its members have the same mindset and agenda,” she explains. “IJT members become active when it comes to parties or functions involving any kind of celebrations. Our department has a male-female ratio of 10:90, and whenever there is an event in the department, male members of the IJT from other departments join in and take seats to monitor the situation. A couple of years ago, they gate-crashed a dinner on the lawns of our department and beat up the boys.”

    For the psychology teacher, the behaviour of IJT seems to differ from department to department. She claims that its members come out more openly in departments where they think they have more sway due to various reasons, especially the response of the department chairman.

    “While the IJT creates hullabaloo over mixed cultural events and music on sports events etc, they have a laid back approach regarding some departments,” she says. “They don’t seem to have any say in the Institute of Business Administration (IBA), Department of Sociology, Institute of Communication Studies and Department of English.”

    What is common to these departments is that they are social sciences and those which the IJT has historically avoided. Their focus tends to be more on natural sciences and computer sciences — whether at PU or other public sector universities.

    Another teacher, this time from the PU’s Institute of Languages, has seen worse than what her colleague from the psychology department has witnessed. In 2009, she received a call from the university staff to inform her that her office had been attacked and its windowpanes shattered by IJT members.

    “On another occasion, IJT members tried to disrupt a meeting of teachers with the VC at his office,” narrates the linguist. “They were making fun of teachers and shouting abuses. Some of their mates had been rusticated from the university and they wanted them to be reinstated. The guards kept IJT members out of the office but still, it was something disturbing.”

    For the linguist, the last vice chancellor, Dr Mujahid Kamran, did a lot of work to control the IJT and weakened its hold over the university. “Teachers who were earlier Jamiat members are retiring. Dr Mujahid Kamran checked the record of any new hirees — no teacher who had had any contact with the Jamiat or JI was hired in his tenure.”

    Politics professor Dr Rana Ejaz, however, refuses to give as much credit to Dr Mujahid Kamran. “It’s a completely baseless claim. General (retd) Arshad Mahmood actually did the work. When I joined the PU in 2006, there was no sign of Jamiat. It could not be seen anywhere at the university. When Mujahid Kamran came in 2008, the IJT started showing signs of resurgence.”

    Dr Ejaz alleges that Dr Kamran used to play the IJT card whenever his term was about to end and the matter of an extension to his tenure was brought up. “He’d play the IJT card just to show that his presence was necessary to control the student union,” he claims.

    According to the political sciences professor, the March 21 clash between Pakhtun students and the IJT was “exploited” by the former vice-chancellor. “It could entirely be possible that after the departure of Dr Mujahid Kamran, other aspirants for the post of the vice-chancellor might have caused the clash in an attempt to bring down the incumbent vice-chancellor who is on provisional charge.”

    Dr Ejaz recalls that the Jamiat had lost most of its power after 2006 but they get involved in departments where they are allowed to exert influence. Other student groups have surfaced to some extent, including the Insaf Students Federation (ISF), he explains but warns against fighting violence with violence. “The influence that the IJT used to wield three or four decades ago is no more, for whatever reason. Jamiat has lost space due to its own policies that were not popular among the students.”

    Dr Mujahid Kamran refused to comment on the situation of the IJT at the PU, saying he is keeping himself away from such “controversies.”

    TO POLITICISE STUDENTS OR NOT?

    The experience of violence that is associated with the Jamiat has seen other campuses keep student politics at an arm’s length. In Lahore’s private universities and colleges, including the Lahore University of Management Sciences for example, politics is anathema and students can immediately be rusticated for any political involvement.

    The same line has become popular among other public universities and colleges. There is no student union or student wing of any political party at the Islamia University Bahawalpur (IUB). This did not happen on its own; the university administration put in serious efforts to depoliticise the campus after the university saw large-scale violence in February, 2010, when members of the Anjuman-i-Tulaba Islam (ATI) and students of the engineering department clashed.

    Saim Hussain Shabbir, who completed engineering from the IUB last year, says that he did not witness any student union during his four years stay at the university. “We only heard stories of violence involving the ATI and the engineering students that had happened in 2010,” says Shabbir. “There is no student group influential enough to have any impact on the atmosphere inside the university.”

    A similar situation exists at the University of Gujrat (UoG) where there is no student union or the student wing of any political party. In February this year, there was a large protest by UoG students over the issue of cumulative grade point averages (CGPA). Students reportedly roughed up the vice-chancellor and as a result, 18 assailants were expelled from the university. However, the protest, despite its size, was not organised by any student union as there are no political union at the university.

    “There is no union at the university, but there is a teachers’ committee which resolves the students’ issues in an amicable way,” says Khawar Tirmizi, a teacher at the university. “The vice chancellor himself takes interest in it.”

    On campuses where the IJT does exist, however, the situation is not as undisturbed. Bahauddin Zakariya University (BZU) in Multan is one such institution. The now-infamous case of young professor Junaid Hafeez being embroiled in blasphemy allegations is a case in point — those inside his department allege that the allegations were made to remove Hafeez from the picture so that a more pro-Jamiat professor could take his place.

    “Jamiat and the PSF are both working inside BZU but there is nothing like what happens at the PU in Lahore,” claims PSF South President Arif Shah. “It’s not easy to work here since the administration has tightened its noose around student union activities. The students are issued notices or they are expelled from the university if they take part in any political activity.”

    IS THE IJT HURTING THE POLITICS OF THE JI?

    There was a time when student unions were the nursery of mainstream politics. This era was marked by ideological politics: left versus right, communism versus capitalism, public versus private. Leaders were trained at the grassroots, educated in ideology, and sent among the masses with populist agendas.

    As the era of ideology exited during the 1980s, it was replaced by ethnicity: the Pakhtun, Baloch, Sindhis, Mohajirs, even Seraikis and Hazarewal all congregated around parties and groups that safeguarded their ethnic identity and rights. Among those arguing for religious politics and Pakistani nationalism were the IJT and the Muslim Students Federation (MSF) of the Muslim League, both of which remained largely Punjabi phenomena.

    But while the era of ideology saw ideological wars and debates, the era of ethnicity witnessed a surge in violence. In fact, more than argumentation, violence became the primary modus operandi of those in the political sphere. Student unions weren’t spared of this phenomenon either — armed skirmishes at the University of Karachi, for example, between Jamiat and the All Pakistan Mohajir Students Organisation (APMSO) became routine. All this while the parent parties of both student groups engaged in battle on the street.

    Perhaps it is the violent streak of the IJT that prevented its strength on campus being reflected in national polls. The party was unable to bag even a single seat in the National Assembly from Lahore in the 2008 polls. In 2013, the JI was represented in the Punjab Assembly by a single member. Despite IJT proclamations to the contrary, its antics seem to be defining the perception of the JI.

    “Common people do not differentiate between the JI and the IJT as they don’t know that these two are totally different organizations with different objectives,” argues JI spokesperson Qaisar Sharif. “Any nasty incident [involving the IJT] directly affects the JI and harms its vote bank too. The JI leadership is also aware of this.”

    “The IJT has damaged itself by the kinds of the activities its members have been involved in,” argues PU’s Dr Ejaz. “The IJT is alive only in slogans such as ‘Jamiat Zinda Hay’ [Jamiat is Alive].”

    For the political sciences professor, Jamiat played a positive role some 40-50 years ago when it focused more on the religious training of a student. “That role is no longer there perhaps because the JI is no more interested in it.” Citing an example, he says that just some time back, JI emir Sijrajul Haq held a public rally at Minar-i-Pakistan and its announcement was being made on the PU campus with speakers mounted on a vehicle — a political act that is banned by the university. “I am sure Sirajul Haq himself is aware of such activities. Such tactics harm the JI itself. There are still some good leaders in the JI, they should take care of such uncalled for activities.”

    JI spokesperson Sharif, however, claims that the JI never uses the IJT for its political campaigns or politics. He says that the recent clash at the PU is being probed by a committee of the IJT itself to find out the facts and affix responsibility. “Even though the IJT is important for the JI due to their ideological affiliation, the party does not have any influence on the decision-making or any other matter of its student wing,” asserts Sharif. “The IJT has its own Majlis-i-Shoora, constitution and election process.”

    Dr Rana Ejaz thinks that the Jamiat can be tamed if the government makes a sincere effort in the right direction. “The former vice-chancellor always had complaints against the police for not cooperating with him to control the situation. This showed the law enforcement agencies’ reluctance to take any serious steps in the right direction. There should be a ban on the entry of students who are not enrolled at the university. Currently, the IJT or any organisation can bring students from outside university.”

    The teacher at the psychology department of the PU differs. She does not think that controlling the IJT was possible due to the almost five or six decades-long history of the IJT at the university. “It does not look possible in the near future that Jamiat will go away anywhere,” she says. “It has deep roots in the institution and it’s here to stay. It is more a case of co-existence in some mutually acceptable way.”


    https://www.dawn.com/news/1325897/cover-story-jamiats-stranglehold


    @Levina

    As discussed about the organisation the other day. An interesting write up.
     
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  3. Scotlander

    Scotlander Lieutenant FULL MEMBER

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    @OverLoad

    Mard-e-Momin is afraid to take action, as he'd be lynched by his fellow Mard-e-Momins. #BananaRepublic

    C9sCYBEXoAEwpo4.jpg

    Rest In Peace to Mashal Khan.
     
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  4. Hellfire

    Hellfire Devil's Advocate Staff Member MODERATOR

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    Pakistani among 46 arrested for link to Madina bombing


    RIYADH: Saudi Arabia’s security forces said on Sunday they had arrested 46 people for their suspected link to a terrorist cell responsible for a stunning attack outside Masjid-i-Nabwi, in Madina, last year.

    Interior Ministry spokesman Maj Gen Mansour al Turki said the group was also behind a suicide bombing near the US consulate in Jeddah.

    Both attacks took place in July during the final days of Ramazan.

    The bombing outside Masjid-i-Nabwi killed four security officers.

    Talking to reporters, Mr Al Turki said that 32 of those arrested were Saudis, while the 14 others were from Egypt, Pakistan, Yemen, Afghanistan, Sudan and Jordan.

    The ministry previously identified the Madina bomber as a Saudi national and the Jeddah bomber as a Pakistani resident.

    Published in Dawn, May 1st, 2017

    https://www.dawn.com/news/1330301/pakistani-among-46-arrested-for-link-to-madina-bombing


    @OverLoad - seems your countrymen are against Islam too :)

    @SrNair : this is how true Islam manifests from the land of the pure :D

    I find it amusing after reading the preceding news post!
     
  5. OverLoad

    OverLoad BANNED BANNED

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    Your obsession, has no limits
    @nair

    Once you told me this is military forum and since you join as admin it is not the same old but improved but it seems like you selected best trollers as mods who ruin your efforts.
     
  6. Hellfire

    Hellfire Devil's Advocate Staff Member MODERATOR

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    LOL

    I just gave you an update from your nation's own newspaper. Did not like it?

    Read the title ... SLOWLY, DELIBERATELY, USING A DICTIONARY and if it escapes your processing ability, ask help, tag me and I will gladly expand.


    Since you have made pains to show something elsewhere, I merely reciprocated by tagging you. All your country's newspapers only

    :D
     
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  7. Hellfire

    Hellfire Devil's Advocate Staff Member MODERATOR

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    source: https://www.dawn.com/news/1330349/l...nalysis-reveals-more-evidence-against-accused

    Lady doctors harassment case: laptop analysis reveals more evidence against accused
    ASIF CHAUDHRY

    LAHORE: The Punjab Forensic Science Agency (PFSA) has detected over 2,000 objectionable pictures and videos from the laptop of the main accused in the lady doctors harassment case.

    The PFSA has submitted its findings to the Anti-Terrorism Court as evidence after a detailed forensic analysis of the laptop.

    Many other shocking revelations, including use of 108 CNICs, were also made in the PFSA report.

    Accused Abdul Wahab from Layyah district is facing trial under the Anti-Terrorism Act for blackmailing and harassing lady doctors.

    He was arrested in April 2015 by the law enforcement agencies from Narran after the scam surfaced that nearly 200 women, including lady doctors and nurses of some government teaching hospitals of Lahore, had been harassed or blackmailed. Gowalmandi police had registered the case

    Most of his victims were house officers and postgraduate trainees from King Edward Medical University, Fatima Jinnah Medical University and Children Hospital, Lahore.

    According to initial investigations, the accused used to trap lady doctors by having access to their mobile phone chats/pictures, whatsapp chats, viber contacts and facebook accounts using different technologies.

    After editing their conversation/pictures, he would allegedly call them to some restaurant to further blackmail them.

    He had allegedly destroyed future of several lady doctors by providing their in-laws and other family members ‘objectionable video clips and photos’, the initial investigation said.

    The PFSA which identified 428, 322 graphics/pictures during analysis of the laptop, categorically said many photos were edited or tempered with. It said the charge of blackmailing the victims was also proved during analysis.

    While presenting a data of 2159 objectionable pictures out of the total, the report says, “The genuineness of a single picture could not be determined according to the standard operating procedure of the audio visual analysis department”.

    It further says 667 pictures of facebook chats, whatsapp etc were separately identified.

    The PFSA further revealed that 108 CNIC/passports, call details etc. had also been separately analyzed and provided to the court.

    The forensic agency also traced some calls in which the accused was identifying himself as a senior official of sensitive agencies.

    “A total of 2,454 multimedia files were identified”, the report stated adding that of them 266 audio call recordings were also found. It says these may contain blackmailing content.
     
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  8. Hellfire

    Hellfire Devil's Advocate Staff Member MODERATOR

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    No labour reform
    ZEENAT HISAM

    THE world of labour has gone through great turbulence. Globalisation, restructuring, deregulation of economies and technological changes have reshaped labour relations. Precarious, informal employment and diverse contractual forms of work have replaced traditional permanent employment.

    The supply chain production system has left the workforce dispersed in various unconnected spaces, shrinking the power of labour unions. Legal frameworks based on old employment relations models no longer protect workers. This has led to a global debate on labour law reforms to address adverse impacts of change.

    Many countries have enacted laws seeking to protect workers from vulnerability. Examples include the Dutch Flexibility and Security Act 1999, the Austrian Severance Act 2002, Indonesian National Social Security System Act 2004, Indian National Rural Employment Guarantee Act 2005 and Unorganised Workers Social Security Act 2008, Myanmar Social Security Law 2012, Brazilian domestic workers’ legislation 2014 and the Turkish law governing temporary employment contracts 2016.

    Outdated, repressive labour laws remain in force.
    Pakistan’s story is different. Labour entered the new millennium with the Industrial Relations Ordinance (IRO) 2002 imposed by the military regime, which was more restrictive than IRO 1969. The Finance Act 2006 imposed further curbs on workers’ rights, and when the Industrial Relations Act 2008 was enacted by the democratic government it too did not conform to the spirit of the Constitution. The passage of the 18th Amendment in 2010, which devolved labour to the provinces, brought a ray of hope to workers who expected greater provincial autonomy to deliver improved labour legislation, better enforcement and thus decent work conditions.

    The hope for modernising and reforming the labour code (based on the colonial era legal framework) soon faded as constraints surfaced, including lack of political will, low priority to labour, poor capacity of provincial labour departments and the absence of a tripartite mechanism. The reviewing, modernising and provincialising of the pre-devolution labour code required strong national commitment, prioritising, provincial coordination, federal guidance and oversight.

    In the absence of these, the provinces have gone their own which way, sluggishly, to adopt the once federal — once colonial — laws. The process has so far yielded the adoption of 19 labour laws in Punjab, 12 in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 11 in Balochistan and 10 in Sindh.

    The provinces opted not to reform the key legislation, the industrial relations law, and instead based it on IRO 1969. None of the provinces did away with repressive and exclusionary clauses. Only the Sindh Industrial Relations Act 2010 granted the rights to organise and collective bargaining to agricultural workers, but the rules have yet to be formulated. Hence, the clause is as good as dead. Many of the provinces’ laws do not adhere to international standards.

    The crucial issue of ensuring uniformity of laws in the provinces remains to be addressed. An overarching, broader national framework embodying fundamental principles as enshrined in the Constitution and the ILO standards is needed. Seven years have passed since the 18th Amendment and the federal government has neither come up with such a framework nor placed a statutory mechanism to ensure that provincial laws adhere to this blueprint.

    Far from responding to the emerging needs of social protection to workers, reforming labour laws and formulating inclusive legislation, the country has failed to strengthen even the couple of laws dealing with social security of a minuscule section of the workforce, ie Employees Old-age Benefits Institution Act 1976 and the Workers Welfare Funds Ordinance 1971. The status of the two state-run labour welfare institutions based on these laws remains contested vis-à-vis the 18th Amendment. Amidst the ongoing conflict over ownership between the provinces and the federation, the constitutional petitions filed in the Supreme Court (by Punjab for devolution, by KP and Balochistan against devolution) and the adoption of the two laws by Sindh, the institutional decline of the EOBI and WWF continues to the detriment of workers in the four provinces. The EOBI, WWF and Provincial Social Security Ordinance 1971 need to be made inclusive of temporary workers and other categories of vulnerable workers.

    The federal Law and Justice Division should partner with the provinces on reform and scrutiny of labour laws under a well-defined system. Provincial governments should put in place tripartite consultation mechanisms and ensure transparency. Draft bills should be shared with all stakeholders and enough time given for adequate review and feedback.

    Labour laws must have three attributes: a grounding in fundamental principles (constitutionally mandated rights and international standards); coherent building of the labour code upon these principles; and fair and efficient implementation.

    The writer is a researcher in the development sector.

    https://www.dawn.com/news/1330285/no-labour-reform


    @OverLoad Now with the Chinese coming in, and already pre-existing lax and non-existent labour laws in place, what do you think will be the impact on labour reforms in Pakistan?

    @SrNair
     
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  9. SrNair

    SrNair Captain FULL MEMBER

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    They dont have reliable land laws forget labour laws .
     
  10. SrNair

    SrNair Captain FULL MEMBER

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    No wonder ,he truly upholds his traditional job
     
  11. Hellfire

    Hellfire Devil's Advocate Staff Member MODERATOR

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    50 Afghan soldiers killed, 100 injured in retaliatory firing to Chaman cross-border attack: IG FC
    Syed Ali Shah

    Inspector General (IG) Frontier Corps (FC) Balochistan Maj Gen Nadeem Anjum on Sunday claimed that 50 Afghan security personnel were killed and another 100 injured as Pakistani forces retaliated to unprovoked firing by Afghan border forces on security personnel in Balochistan's Chaman area last week.

    He added, however, that "we are not happy over their losses since they are our Muslim brothers".

    The IG FC was briefing the media over a recent cross-border attack in Chaman, in which 12 people were killed and 40 injured when Afghan border forces opened fire on security personnel guarding a census team, although Afghanistan had been informed of the exercise in advance.

    The attack caused residents in Killi Luqman, Killi Jahangir and Badshah Adda Kahol evacuating their homes as Chaman was shut down and security ramped up in Quetta and other parts of Balochistan.

    The FC Balochistan chief said four or five check posts were also destroyed when Pakistani border guards retaliated to the cross-border attack.

    Gen Anjum said that on May 5, Afghanistan pleaded for ceasefire, which Pakistan accepted.

    The FC Balochistan chief said that Afghan authorities targeted civilians even though they had been informed about the on-going census exercise.

    Earlier, Commander Southern Command Lt Gen Aamir Riaz termed the cross-border attack as 'shameful'.

    "This was a shameful act to target civilians at the border villages of Pakistan," Riaz told journalists at Chaman during a visit to the area.

    He said that Afghanistan would not benefit from such attacks in any way and that the Afghan government should be ashamed of such acts.

    Officials agree to use geological survey
    Pakistani and Afghan military commanders on Sunday agreed to carry out a geological survey of the border area, reported DawnNews.

    This was decided in the third flag meeting between the commanders of the two sides. Geological experts also attended the meeting, held at the Friendship Gate. It was the third consecutive meeting in three days. Earlier, two such meetings had ended without any decision.

    The meeting also deliberated a suggestion for usage of google maps.

    https://www.dawn.com/news/1331637/5...ry-firing-to-chaman-cross-border-attack-ig-fc
     
  12. Hellfire

    Hellfire Devil's Advocate Staff Member MODERATOR

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    Iran warns will hit 'militant safe havens' inside Pakistan



    The head of the Iranian armed forces warned Islamabad on Monday that Tehran would hit bases inside Pakistan if the government does not confront Sunni militants who carry out cross-border attacks.

    Ten Iranian border guards were killed by militants last month. Iran said Jaish al Adl, a Sunni militant group, had shot the guards with long-range guns, fired from inside Pakistan.

    The border area has long been plagued by unrest from both drug smuggling gangs and separatist militants.

    "We cannot accept the continuation of this situation," Major General Mohammad Baqeri, the head of the Iranian armed forces was quoted as saying by state news agency IRNA.

    "We expect the Pakistani officials to control the borders, arrest the terrorists and shut down their bases."

    "If the terrorist attacks continue, we will hit their safe havens and cells, wherever they are," he said.

    Iran's Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif visited Pakistan last week and asked Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to improve the border security. Pakistan assured Iran it would deploy additional troops along its border.

    In 2014 Iran warned it would send troops to Pakistan to retrieve five Iranian border guards kidnapped by Jaish al Adl. Pakistan said at the time that such action would be violation of the international law and warned Iranian forces not to cross the border.

    Iran refrained from sending the troops when a local Sunni cleric stepped in and resolved the situation.

    Four of the guards were released a few months later, but one was killed by the militants.

    Jaish al Adl is a Sunni militant group that has carried out several attacks against Iranian security forces with the aim of highlighting what they say is discrimination against minority Sunni Muslims in Iran, where the majority are Shi'ites.

    The group claimed responsibility for attacks that killed eight border guards in April 2015 and 14 border guards in October 2013.



    (Reporting by Bozorgmehr Sharafedin; Editing by Alison Williams)ˇ



    http://in.reuters.com/article/iran-pakistan-security-idINKBN1840RY

    https://www.dawn.com/news/1331829/iran-warns-will-hit-militant-safe-havens-inside-pakistan

    http://kashmirdispatch.com/2017/05/08/now-iran-warns-pakistan-of-surgical-strike/149570/

     
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  13. Hellfire

    Hellfire Devil's Advocate Staff Member MODERATOR

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    Pakistan seeks US help to break Afghan-India nexus
    Washington told New Delhi pulling the strings, Islamabad never violated Afghan border

    ISLAMABAD - Pakistan has asked the United States to help break the India-Afghanistan nexus against Pakistan for the sake of regional peace, The Nation has learnt.

    Senior officials at the foreign ministry said Washington was urged to play its role to defuse Pak-Afghan tension during the recent contacts.

    “We know the US has a stake in Afghanistan. They [the US] want peace between us but India is trying to disrupt these efforts. We have asked them to take care of India if they can. New Delhi is obviously pulling their [Afghanistan’s] strings,” an official, who remains in contact with Washington, told The Nation.

    He said the US was concerned over the recent firing incident along the Chaman border and appreciated Pakistan’s restraint.

    “We told them the nation was furious over the firing from the Afghan side, which left several dead. We obviously do not want the situation to get out of hands,” the official added.

    Earlier, Pakistan declared four-kilometre area adjacent to the Chaman border with Afghanistan a “no-go area” amid tensions with the neighbour.

    Last week, Afghan forces opened firing on Frontier Corps personnel appointed for security of population census team – killing 10.

    The Bab-e-Dosti or the Friendship Gate remained closed on Sunday – the third day running. Due to the closure of the border, all private activities including the Afghan transit trade and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (Nato)’s supply line were suspended. Pedestrian movement also remained banned in the no-go area. To respond to any further aggression by the Afghan forces, Pakistan army was on high alert. Tanks and heavy artillery were moved forward. To accommodate the displaced persons, camps were installed five kilometers away from the border. The authorities said that as many as 2,000 families had been affected by Afghan shelling at the civilian areas.

    As the tensions flared up, Defence Minister Khawaja Mohamed Asif warned Pakistan would give a befitting reply to all acts of aggression. “If our borders are violated and further destruction occurs then those responsible will have to pay the price,” he said last day. The minister said that New Delhi-Kabul nexus was apparent on the Afghan border. Another official at the foreign ministry said that the US had assured Pakistan of using its influence to stop Afghanistan from aggravating the situation. “They understand our point of view. We have tried to convince them that the Pakistani officials were conducting census within their own territory. We have never violated any country’s borders, be it Afghanistan or India,” he maintained.

    Over the weekend, Foreign Office spokesperson Nafees Zakaria said that border between the two countries was clearly demarcated and Pakistani teams were conducting the census drive in their own area. He asked Afghanistan to stop firing against Pakistani forces. “In case it does not stop, Pakistan reserves the right to respond to preserve its sovereignty and protect its civilians,” Zakaria had said. International affairs expert Dr Zahid Anwar Khan said Afghanistan had targeted the citizens, which proved it was a conspiracy. “They are trying to create instability along the border at the behest of India. They should know it is not in their own interest,” he added.

    Khan said that Pakistan must highlight the Chaman incident at international forum. “It is good to speak to the US also on this violation,” he added. Defence expert Brigadier Harris Nawaz (retd) said instead of helping Pakistan to defeat terrorism, Afghanistan was increasing problems for Pakistan.

    “Afghanistan looks in complete control of India. They should come out of it and join hands with Pakistan to improve the situation. Together we can eliminate terrorism,” he remarked.

    Brigadier Nawaz said Pakistan had built 1,150 check-posts on the border with Afghanistan against 50-odd by Kabul.

    “This shows our sincerity with stopping infiltration and eventually reducing terrorism. Afghan should cooperate with us,” he said

    http://nation.com.pk/national/08-May-2017/pakistan-seeks-us-help-to-break-afghan-india-nexus
     
  14. Hellfire

    Hellfire Devil's Advocate Staff Member MODERATOR

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  15. Bregs

    Bregs Lieutenant FULL MEMBER

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    What India has to do with Pakistan-Afghanistan relations, its been pak which always treated Afghan land as there back yard for may be strategic depth. All the time trying to install a taliban type radical govt in kabul is the sole reason for deterioration of these two countries relations and now its looks like Iran will be next to gang up against them more openly
     

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