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Pakistan Timeline: News, Discussions & Opinions

Discussion in 'South Asia & SAARC' started by tariqkhan18, Apr 14, 2010.

  1. VCheng

    VCheng RIDER GEO STRATEGIC ANALYST

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    The basic problem with Pakistani intelligentsia remains that while they may be able to describe the issues correctly, at the end of the day, the last few dots are never connected, simply because the final picture is too dire to comprehend. When the final admission comes that how could so many be so wrong for so long about so many things, a solution will present itself, but not before. My litmus test that I proposed elsewhere was whether Pakistan can accept the abrogation of the Objectives Resolution. We are still are long ways away from that starting point on the road to recovery.
     
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  2. ranjeet

    ranjeet FULL MEMBER

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    Did Pakistan Civilian government just raised the stakes in the ongoing tussle regarding non state actors with the Establishment?
     
  3. ranjeet

    ranjeet FULL MEMBER

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    Pakistani authorities have frozen over 5,100 accounts of suspects whose names were listed in the Fourth Schedule under the Anti-Terrorism Act, 1997, officials said on Sunday.

    These accounts carried net amount worth over Rs400 million, revealed the officials, adding that names of around 1,200 suspects whose accounts were frozen by the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) were listed in category ‘A*’ of the ATA, 1997, a term used for terrorists put on exceptional risk or high risk.

    The name of Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM) chief Masood Azhar has also been included in the list’s top suspects whose accounts were frozen by the SBP, officials of the Ministry of Interior and SBP said. Masood Azhar’s name was also listed in category ‘A*’ of the 4th Schedule, revealed the officials who sought anonymity on the gravity of the issue. It happened since the government put the JeM chief under “protective custody” of security agencies after terrorists attacked the Pathankot Airbase, part of the Western Air Command of the Indian Air Force, they further revealed.

    “Following a request of the Ministry of Interior, we have frozen accounts of all top suspected terrorists, including Masood Azhar, son of Allah Bux,” confirmed a senior official of the SBP who is part of a team monitoring the progress pertaining to this matter.

    The interior ministry sent three different lists of thousands of suspects, including kingpins of some proscribed organisations, he further revealed.

    The National Counterterrorism Authority (Nacta) sent around 5,500 names to the SBP earlier this month, revealed the officials. Some 3,208 names will be forwarded after cleansing the data soon, Nacta officials added. Around 8,400 suspects have been listed to schedule four who have had affiliation with around 60 proscribed organisations and these 3,208 fourth schedulers are without computerised national identity cards and notification, they added.

    National Coordinator Nacta Ihsan Ghani confirmed that over 5,000 accounts of suspects have been frozen by the SBP. “These accounts hold net amount worth Rs400 million,” he said. About Masood Azhar’s accounts, Ghani said he would revert with latest updates on this important matter this week.

    More than 3,078 accounts of suspects whose accounts were frozen belonged to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Fata, 1,443 from Punjab, 226 from Sindh, 193 from Balochistan, 106 from Gilgit-Baltistan, 27 from the Islamabad Capital Territory (ICT) and 26 suspects whose accounts were blocked belonged to Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), revealed the official documents. Over 2,284 schedulers have no CNICs in KP and Fata, 403 in Balochistan, 373 in Sindh, 109 in Punjab, 34 in Gilgit-Baltistan, four in AJK and one suspect has not identity card in ICT, added the official documents.

    Accounts of other suspects namely cleric of Islamabad’s Lal Musjid Maulana Aziz to the mover and shaker of Lyari Aman Committee Shahid Bikki have also been frozen under the National Action Plan. Among other suspects whose accounts have already been frozen are: Mohsin Najfi and Sibtain Shirazi (leaders of Ahl-e-Tashi), Maulvi Ahmed Ludhianvi (Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat), Matiur Rehman of al-Qaeda Pakistan, Mansoor alias Ibrahim alias Chotta of Tehreek-e-Taliban (TTP) and Qari Ehsan alias Ustad Huzaifa of Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ). Accounts of Aurangzeb Faroogi (ASWJ), Allama Maqsood Domki (Majlis Wahdat-e-Muslimeen), Pariyal Shah (ASWJ), Maulvi Kabir (ASWJ), Mirza Ali and Sheikh Nayyar (defunct Tehreek-e-Jafria Pakistan), Ramzan Mengal (Lashkar-e-Jhangvi), Umar Chohas of TTP al-Qaeda group, Bilal Ahmed of TTP al-Qaeda Pakistan, Sher Abbas of Jamaatul Furqan, Maqsood Domki of MWM, Sarfraz Pappu, Imaad Ali, Baqir Moosvia and Hafiz Aurangzaib have also been frozen.

    The Interior Ministry has been informing media that Nadra and Directorate of Passport and Immigration office blocked travel documents of over 3,111 suspects whose names were listed to schedule IV recently. But Nacta National Coordinator Ihsan Ghani said under the law - ATA 1997, we cannot ask Nadra to block CNICs of fourth schedulers. “We’ve not asked anyone to block CNICs of fourth schedulers,” Ghani said.


    https://www.geo.tv/latest/118605-Bank-accounts-of-over-5100-terror-suspects-frozen
     
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  4. VCheng

    VCheng RIDER GEO STRATEGIC ANALYST

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    Just a sop to appear if they have suddenly found the spine to act against all the terrorists. They have NOT. This is just a PR move, nothing else.
     
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  5. Robinhood Pandey

    Robinhood Pandey SECOND IN COMMAND Staff Member SECTION CHIEF

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    Just a PR stunt.

    at best JeM will surface with a new name like they did in case of JuD and their business will go on without any curbing.
     
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  6. Anees

    Anees Lt. Colonel ELITE MEMBER

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    "How on earth is it possible to isolate a country on terrorism when that country itself is the worst victim of... Kashmirwas the "root cause" of all problems between the two countries and that Pakistan does not need "misplaced jingoism and hypernationalism" to pursue its foreign policy objectives.

    "How on earth is it possible to isolate a country on terrorism when that country itself is the worst victim of terrorism," he said.

    He was speaking at the Indian Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies here.
    It is only through sustained diplomacy that Pakistan and India can address their issues and forge an effective cooperative paradigm to their mutual benefit, he said.


    Talking about his country's ties with India, he said Kashmir issue "has made us mutually antagonistic".


    "Pakistan is a proud country of 200 million people. It does not need misplaced jingoism and hypernationalism to pursue its foreign policy objectives," he said.


    In the wake of Uri terror attack+ carried out by Pakistani terrorists, India has been trying to isolate Pakistan on terror internationally.


    http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/...isolate-it-on-terror/articleshow/55034802.cms
     
  7. Anees

    Anees Lt. Colonel ELITE MEMBER

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    Three Pakistani men, alleged to be 'spies' of India's external intelligence agency R&AW, have been acquitted by an anti-terrorism court here citing lack of evidence in five cases relating to carrying explosives and illegal weapons, media reported today.

    Tahir, alias Lamba, Junaid Khan and Imtiaz have been booked for allegedly carrying explosive materials and unlicensed weapons in a Malir locality in April last year, Dawn reported.

    Police had alleged that the men belonged to Muttahida Qaumi Movement - a Karachi-based political party claiming to represent Mohajirs (Urdu-speaking people of Sindh province) - and were trained by the Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW).

    MQM is the single-largest party in Karachi and has dominated its political landscape for years, but since a "clean-up" operation began on the orders of the federal government, the political party has come under pressure.

    Judge Abdul Naeem Memon of Anti-Terrorism Court-VI, who conducted the trial inside the central prison, exonerated the accused, saying the prosecution was unable to establish their cases against the accused beyond any shadow of the doubt, the report said.

    There were glaring contradictions in the documentary evidence and in the testimonies of the prosecution witnesses, the court said adding that the police also conducted faulty investigations.

    According to the prosecution, initially police arrested Tahir and Junaid and allegedly found explosives, weapons and hand-grenades in their custody.

    They disclosed that Imtiaz, who was arrested by Rangers at MQM headquarters Nine-Zero in March 2015, had provided the explosives and asked them to keep them, it added. Later, Imtiaz was also shown arrested in the main case of explosive material. Three explosives and two illicit weapons cases were registered against them.

    The court directed the jail authorities to release the three men if they were not wanted in any other criminal case.

    After the arrest of the accused, SSP-Malir Rao Anwar had claimed that they were MQM men and had been trained by R&AW in India to carry out terrorist activities in the city.

    The officer had also urged the federal government to ban the MQM and termed it an "anti-state" organisation. Police had not registered any case of anti-state offences against them.
    http://www.deccanherald.com/content/577348/pak-court-releases-3-raw.html
     
  8. Inactive

    Inactive Guest

    One, two, three
    CYRIL ALMEIDA — PUBLISHED about 23 hours ago

    ULTIMATELY, they’re going to have to do it. They know it, we know it and the targets do too: decommission the favourites; defang the good ones.

    Get rid of militancy.

    Think of it as an arc: from Musharraf to Kayani to Raheel to the next chief, a progressive clampdown against groups that had to be taken on.


    Think of it as an arc: from Musharraf to Kayani to Raheel to the next chief, a progressive clampdown against groups that had to be taken on.

    With Musharraf, it was Al Qaeda — 9/11 changed the world and the world changed how we did business.

    From Kayani to Raheel, a second purge — the anti-Pakistan lot. They came after us, so we had to go after them.

    And soon the next chief — confronted with the spectre of a roiling Kashmir and the long-term presence of a right-winger in Delhi causing the last line standing to go into agitated motion.

    Something will have to be done before they do us in.

    One, two, three — is there an arc of inevitability to it? Each successive chief having to go incrementally further than the last, not necessarily because he wanted to, but because he had to.

    Lost in the warfare of the last month was an important consensus: the civilians said something needed to be done and the boys agreed — though, tellingly, the civilians resisted other actions in Punjab.

    But the path to recognising that something has to be done about the anti-India lot has begun to be trodden.

    It is the logic of utility, institutional self-preservation and the mechanism of jihad: if the groups exist, they occasionally have to go into action; and when they do, the outside world has a reaction.

    Once, twice, thrice — from Mumbai to Pathankot to Uri, the future is being written for us.

    Uri was perhaps the least significant and so the reaction the most telling. Pathankot was really the bigger deal, but it came a week after Modi’s Christmas Day Lahore surprise.

    He couldn’t react as angrily because he had just pushed open the door to normalisation. So India swallowed its rage and the world kept quiet.

    When Uri happened, there was no such luck. India went into a rage and the world sympathised, even before the facts were known.

    On India, we don’t have the advantage we have with the Afghan-centric lot. There we can always nudge them across the border — go home to where you belong, we can tell them when the time comes.

    With the anti-India lot, this is home. They’re from here and this is where the fallout will be suffered.

    And so this is where they’ll have to be dealt with.

    The past offers some clues about what the future could look like. With Al Qaeda there was an opening wallop followed by sustained action.

    The wallop came because 9/11 was momentous. It is how history will be measured, time before 9/11 and time after.

    The sustained, years-long pursuit of Al Qaeda, in Fata and the cities, came because America insisted and America had the resources to make sure we listened.

    But then came the Osama anomaly — what the hell was he doing here for those long years in plain sight?

    The lesson: we’re like the kid who hates homework. We’ll make a show of it in the beginning and then find reason to go slow or switch off.

    Phase three, the push against the anti-India lot, will be a root canal — when we get around to it, we sure won’t like it and will find plenty of reason not to until it threatens to kill us.

    From the push against the anti-Pakistan lot, a different lesson: the need to create a national narrative first, the fabled public consensus that the boys demand as the starting point.

    The boys have already hinted at it in private: telling the civilians to get a parliamentary resolution; arguing that public opinion needs to be kept onside; cautioning against moving too fast and under a perception of Indian pressure.

    It can seem a ruse and a delaying mechanism, but the experience of getting to the point of saying no more on the anti-Pakistan lot is mirroring the talking points on the anti-India lot — the boys won’t do it until they’re sure they have the public onside.

    But let’s not kid ourselves — the anti-India lot are fundamentally a different challenge.

    It’s not like that they’re hard to find — their power is derived from the ability to thrive in plain sight. When we do decide to go after them, the core networks can be shut down relatively quickly.

    The challenge, then, is something else: separating them from the anti-India narrative.

    We’ll have to find a way to shut down the anti-India lot without tampering with the story of India being Enemy No 1.

    Because, as has become evident, India being Enemy No 1 is an unalterable truth, an inalienable position that the boys will never give up.

    The logic of utility, institutional self-preservation and the mechanism of jihad means the boys can and will turn on the anti-India lot. What the boys will never do is give up on India being the enemy.

    So how to do it? And can it happen as soon as the next chief?

    It won’t happen when India is demanding furiously — this much we can see. And it won’t happen when the civilians try to make themselves look good.

    But it can if — if — someone can figure out how to get the boys to do it without making it look like it was someone else’s idea and without the boys looking bad.

    One, two, three — at least the logic is in place.

    The writer is a member of staff.


    http://www.dawn.com/news/1294503/one-two-three

    @VCheng @Joe Shearer @PARIKRAMA @nair
     
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  9. VCheng

    VCheng RIDER GEO STRATEGIC ANALYST

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    As long as the boys remain in control, this will remain a basic problem, and all the consequences that flow from it.
     
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  10. Joe Shearer

    Joe Shearer VETERAN MILITARY STRATEGIST

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    Mogambo khush huwa.

     
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  11. Inactive

    Inactive Guest

  12. Joe Shearer

    Joe Shearer VETERAN MILITARY STRATEGIST

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    Damn! Where was that blasted cameraman lurking?
     
  13. Inactive

    Inactive Guest

    Dear Members.

    It is intended to consolidate all news, discussions and opinions on and about Pakistan of General Nature into a single consolidated thread. Request merge post opinions/news of general nature in this thread.

    @VCheng

    @nair @PARIKRAMA
     
    Last edited by a moderator: Nov 17, 2016
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  14. Inactive

    Inactive Guest

    Reaping the Whirlwind
    Zahid Hussain


    THE targets may be different but the perpetrators of the two deadly attacks carried out in Balochistan in the space of one month are the same. The responsibility of the carnage at the shrine in Khuzdar as well as the slaughter of police cadets in Quetta have been claimed by the militant Islamic State group and its affiliates.

    In August this year, militants wiped out almost an entire generation of senior lawyers in the province in a suicide bomb attack inside a hospital. The restive province seems to have become the main battleground of the militants. Some recent sectarian terrorist attacks in upper Sindh have also been traced to militant groups based in Balochistan.

    It is not for the first time that a terrorist attack in Pakistan has carried the IS footprint. Last year’s bus massacre of over 40 members of the Ismaili community in Karachi was among the most gruesome of its kind. There have also been reports of security agencies busting militant cells affiliated with the group in other parts of the country. But it is Balochistan which is in the cross hairs.


    Islamic State’s apparent involvement in the latest attacks shows it has gained a foothold in the region.

    What is more troubling is the emerging nexus between local sectarian outfits and the lethal global jihadi group. We, however, are still in a state of denial about the looming threat. IS is not present in Pakistan; the idea is just a part of our enemies’ conspiracy to isolate the country — this is the patent response by government officials after every attack.

    It may be true that the Middle Eastern jihadi group does not have a formal organisational structure in Pakistan, but over the past years it has found allies among Sunni extremist groups such as the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi (LJ) and some splinter factions of the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan. What has brought them together is the strong anti-Shia bent of their jihadist ideology.

    Most of these local militant groups were earlier affiliated with Al Qaeda which has lost its appeal after losing ground in Pakistan’s tribal areas and in Afghanistan. The spectacular advances of IS and its territorial control in Iraq and Syria have now made it much more attractive to militants in search of a new and more radical identity.

    Although IS has now lost much of the territory under its control and is on the retreat in the Middle East, it has maintained links with its allies in Pakistan. These groups operate more like a franchise than a formal centralised structure. Hence it is not surprising that the pictures of the Quetta police academy attackers were posted on the group’s official website hours after the incident.

    Some radicalised, educated young Pakistanis, influenced by its powerful online propaganda, have also pledged allegiance to IS. Quite a few were involved in attacks in Karachi and have recently been convicted by military courts. But some of these cells are still actively forming a nexus with sectarian groups, raising fears of continuing terrorist attacks across the country despite crackdowns by law-enforcement agencies. The breakdown of governance and an increasingly ineffective policing system, especially in Karachi, provide space for such groups.

    However, it is the rise of sectarian militancy in Balochistan over the last few years that has provided a foothold for IS in the province. A major factor in the ascent of violent sectarian outfits is the mushrooming of foreign-funded radical madressahs in the province. Seen to be primarily financed by Gulf donors, they are largely concentrated in Mastung and Khuzdar districts, the latter being the site of the latest attack on a remote shrine.

    While travelling on the RCD highway some 15 years ago, I remember seeing madressahs dotting the area where no other amenities were available. The administration either approved of them or looked the other way, boosting foreign-funded Sunni radicalisation. There is also strong evidence of a nexus between sectarian groups and the militias allegedly sponsored by the intelligence agencies to counter Baloch separatists. Such tacit support has allowed the militants to spread their tentacles.

    Over the years Mastung has emerged as the main centre of sectarian militancy. There is still a madressah complex set up by anti-Shia groups operating in the region. It is serving as one of the bastions of religious extremism in the province. Dawood Badani, a relative of 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, was responsible for the first major sectarian terrorist attack on an imambargah in Quetta in 2004.

    The trail of most of the attacks on Hazara Shias in Quetta that have claimed hundreds of innocent lives over the last decade leads to this district. Many top LJ leaders have reportedly been killed in the latest crackdown by security agencies, but the recent surge in violence indicates that sectarian networks are still capable of launching high-profile terrorist attacks. Meanwhile, Pakistani sectarian militants have also found sanctuaries in Afghanistan, allowing them to move about freely on both sides of the border and making it much harder for Pakistani law-enforcement agencies to track them down.

    Just a few months ago, Pakistan’s chief military spokesman declared that IS plans to expand into the country had been thwarted. But the group’s apparent involvement in the latest attacks shows that it has gained a foothold in the region despite the crackdown.

    It is not just for publicity’s sake that the banner of IS is being used by various factions of the LJ; there is strong evidence of organisational links between them. The latest wave of terrorist attacks in Balochistan appears to be part of the strategy to hit soft targets as IS suffers huge setbacks in its strongholds in the Middle East.

    Surely, one must not exaggerate the IS threat, but it is also unwise to underestimate the growing influence of the group, especially given the surge in sectarian militancy and the weakened authority of the state. We are reaping the whirlwind of our misplaced policies.

    http://www.dawn.com/news/1296575/reaping-the-whirlwind
     
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  15. Inactive

    Inactive Guest

    Pertinent to note here is the fact that the decision of the GoP to not participate in the Saudi Arabia led intervention in Yemen and to forge closer ties with Iran, a traditional rival to Saudi dominance in the region and in the Islamic World as a whole, has irked the ruling elites of Saudi Arabia. It is immaterial that this decision of Pakistan was made keeping it's own national interests above all other considerations as an Iran, unbound to an extent by easing of economic sanctions, itself formed close relationship with India, carrying forward the decades long relationship.

    Tha aforementioned geopolitical calculus coupled to the Saudi Arabia's unique brand of Islam, provide a perfect admixture for furthering their own interests as also ensuring that Iran is 'encircled'. A destabilised Baluchistan-Waziristan region, where sectarian violence pre-dominates, plays exactly into the Saudi narrative of strengthening the Sunnis (to the detriment of Shias) and of applying pressure on the Pakistanis to 'toe' the line.

    An old article:



    Foreign Funding of Militancy

    IN order to effectively put militant groups out of business, it is essential to dry up their finances.

    Religiously-motivated militants do raise funds through local sources and criminal rackets, but foreign funding — particularly from Muslim states in the Middle East — is also a major source of cash.

    While the Gulf states are often cited as sources of militant funding, especially from private donors, it is extremely rare for government officials in Pakistan to openly identify any one of them.

    Hence, when Inter-Provincial Coordination Minister Riaz Pirzada named names at an event in Islamabad on Tuesday, eyebrows were certainly raised. The minister, though he claims he was quoted out of context, told a conclave that “Saudi money” had destabilised this country.

    In fact, it has been largely established that Pakistan has been a conduit for funds destined for religiously inspired fighters for over three decades.

    In 1979, two monumental events took place in this region that forever altered the geopolitical calculus: the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.

    Thereafter, funds flowed in freely from the United States, Saudi Arabia and others for the ‘mujahideen’ battling the Soviets across the border, while many Arab states — fearful of a revolutionary and explicitly Shia Iran — started to fund groups that could resist Tehran’s ideological influence in Muslim countries.

    Ever since, a jumble of jihadi and sectarian groups (of varying persuasions) has thrived in Pakistan, as the country became a proxy battlefield for Iran and Saudi Arabia, as well as a front line of the last major battle of the Cold War.

    Since then, militancy has morphed out of control to such an extent that it now threatens the internal stability of this country; neutralising the myriad jihadi outfits has then become Pakistan’s number one security challenge.

    While documentary evidence is often hard to come by, Gulf money has been linked to the promotion of militancy in many instances.

    There have been reports of Gulf funding for extremists in the Syrian conflict, while the WikiLeaks disclosures of 2009 also attributed comments to Hillary Clinton linking Saudi funds to militant groups.

    Another cable claimed donors in Saudi Arabia and the UAE were pumping millions into south Punjab, with much of these funds ending up in the hands of jihadis. Even Interior Minister Nisar Ali Khan admitted recently in a written reply to a question in the Senate that madressahs were receiving funding from “Muslim countries”.

    In principle, there is nothing wrong with seminaries or charities receiving foreign funds. But when this cash is used to fund terrorism and extremism, things become problematic. The best way to proceed is for the intelligence apparatus to monitor the flow of funds.

    If the authorities have reasonable evidence that funds from the Gulf or elsewhere are being funnelled to militants, the issue needs to be taken up with the countries concerned.

    http://www.dawn.com/news/1158510
     
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